EARLY TÜRKS: ESSAYS on HISTORY and IDEOLOGY
- Kategori: EARLY TÜRKS: ESSAYS on HISTORY and IDEOLOGY
- Oluşturulma tarihi: Cuma, 08 Nisan 2011 13:26
- Son güncelleme: Pazar, 04 Eylül 2011 15:34
- Yayın tarihi: Cuma, 08 Nisan 2011 13:26
- Yazar: Yu. A. Zuev
- Gösterim: 509
This posting is a tribute to late Prof. Yu. A. Zuev, who passed away on December, 5, 2006. Yu. A. Zuev produced numerous translations of the Chinese annalistic chronicles, intense scientific research of the history, culture, and socio-political life of medieval Türkic and non-Türkic peoples, and made outstanding contributions to Türkology and Iranology. Prof. Yu. A. Zuev specialty was in the ancient Chinese, Middle Chinese, and modern Chinese language, learned under a guru of the Chinese philology S.Ya.Yahontov, that made him a unique expert with a first-hand knowledge of the sources. His superb knowledge of the sources allowed Prof. Yu. A. Zuev to delve into related fields of history and ethnography with unequalled depth and competence.
This book is his life-long hallmark, Yu. A. Zuev brought to light, or confirmed research of his predecessors, following the development the ancient Hun society into a constellation of scion offshoots, each with its unique history and its place in the evolving world. The Hunnish socio-ideological thought and milieu that defined its society determined the subsequent fates of its descendents and their role in the global history. The 2002 book builds on the studies first published starting from 1957.
Most of the Yu. Zuev book refers to the records and events of the Early Middle Age period, between 160 BC and 850 AD. The events are fairly well known from the Chinese, western and Muslim historians. A comprehensive and detailed history of Early Middle age Türks rising from the ancient Huns still awaits its author.
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Translator's notes and explanations, where embedded in the author's text and not denoted specifically, are shown in blue.
Some special characters may not display correctly, and are either substituted by Latin letters, or duplicated in Latin letters shown in blue: γuən/guan, with Greek “gamma" rendered as “g”,various diacritical “i" rendered as “i”,and “ə" and various diacritical “a" rendered as “a”.Where it appears that simplification infringes on semantic meaning, the author's transcriptions are reproduced more accurately. The author's text can be verified in pdf format reproduction in Russian. Where the author chose to translate place names to Russian, the Translator gives its English translation, for example Türkic “ak" => Russian “beliy" = English “white”.
Page numbers are shown at the beginning of the page. Translator has added some subdivision headings shown in blue.
From the author (italics are by the author - Translator's Note)
An idea that come from ancient mythological tradition about the origins of the people in the days of a birth of its genealogical primogenitor had existed in the historical science, and fairly widely continue its existence today.
This idea is faulty in many respects, first of all because it was always created and cultivated by a dominating (dynastic) group, and at best it reflected its own genealogical myth, which at times has no relation to the previous history of a subject people or tribe. Numerous examples illustrate that.
The known version of the the Mongol genealogical myth about the early history of Chingiz-khan's Kiyan (Kiyat) dynasty, preserved in the Rashid ad-Din work “Djami at-tavarih”,contains a complete the final history of the Kimek-Kiyan Oguzes from the river Argun valleys on the eastern slopes of the Great Khingan range, with ideological tradition ascending to Uechji (Pinyin Yuezhi).
The ideological communes belong to the category of “great conservative forces”.They are less dynamic than ethnic categories, are not identical to them, and can be preserved even with a change in the ethno-linguistical layer. The last factor is a distinctive feature of the people history in the Central Asia and all Eurasian region. The overwhelming majority of early tribal confederations in the Central Asia was poly-ethnical. The dominating position of a large ruling tribe within such confederations made its language prestigious: in it were given orders, it was a language of annual conventions “to count people and cattle”,etc. Generally, it was a language of intertribal communication. Its role was considerably amplified in case of a conquest of such confederation by newcomer people, which in itself creates a situation most favorable to speeding up of this process. But also possible is another outcome: assimilation by a local ethno-linguistical substratum of the newcomer super-stratum, which is giving a new name both to the conquered people, and to its language.
Historical paradoxes connected with these processes are quite frequentl. Approximately in the 3rd century BC the queen of the large east - Iranian Uechji (Pinyin Yuezhi) tribe joined to her possessions a Tochar (Ch. Dasya) tribe living in the headwaters of the river Huanghe. Since then the “queen’s" tribe Uechji in the Chinese chronicles began to be called Da-Uechji ("Great Uechji”), and the Dasya-Tochars began to be called Syao-Uechji ("Lesser Uechji”). Together, they were simply called Uechji. The scholar and translator of the 5th century monk Kumaradjiva, translating Buddhist texts into Chinese language, translated the word Tochar as Chinese Uechji. In the middle of the 2nd century BC Uechji become a main force of the so-called “storm of the Bactria”.In turn, the ancient authors inform that the conquerors of Bactria were tribes Ases and Tochars. Bactria began to be called (by Chinese) Dasya country, i.e. Tocharistan, and the language of the inhabitants of that country began to be called “Tocharian”.The known orientalist, Danish scientist Stan Konov even named one of his works “Was “Tocharian" language really Tocharian?”.
The Tochars of the Kidan (Kitan/Khitan) state in the Manchuria territory spoke proto-Mongolian language, the medieval Tochars (Dügers) in the future Turkmenia spoke Oguz, and the Tochars (Digors) in the Northern Caucasus spoke Alanian, i.e. in Sogdian-Türkic per Biruni. Meanwhile, their ideological traditions in many respects remained similar.
This book is discussing continuity of ideological traditions.
Chinese records about ancient Türkic genealogical legends document the previous history of the dynastic Ashina tribe (Hot.-Sak. -asseina “dark blue”,"blue”), which became dynasties in the First and Second Türkic Kaganates. Neither the name of the dynastic tribe, nor the names of the historical founders of the Türkic Kaganate, Bumyn and Eshtemi, are Türkic.
I tried for years to explain this phenomenon by tabooing of Türkic sacral names, and their replacement with foreign language equivalents. This outwardly reasonable speculative conclusion was published a number of times, it did not bring printed or verbal disagreements, but yet no specific confirmation was found in written sources.
"Pure" ethnoses do not exist. Turning to the early history of many peoples demonstrates that.
Such fates are widely known. The Frenchmen received their name from the German tribe of Francs. The founders of Russian state, Scandinavians-Vikings (Normans) created Rürik dynasty in Kyiv and gave eastern Slavs a Scandinavian name Rus. The Middle Kingdom (Chjun go) also did not miss such a fortune , it was known, for example, under non-Chinese names of Tabgach and Kitai (proto-Mongolian, Cathay/Khithanian). For the Middle Kingdom, whose role in the history of the world culture in general, and the peoples of Eurasia in particular, is well-known, this phenomenon is especially typical.
Influence of foreign factor in the history of China.
The founders and dynasts of the China Chjou (Pinyin Zhou) state (11th century BC - 256 BC) are foreign tribes, the Han dynasty (Former Chjao, Pin. Han Zhao, 304-328) was established by the northern nomadic tribe Sünnu, the Later Chjao (Pin. Later Zhao) dynasty (319-325) was established by the Tsiantszüy tribes, related to the Central Asian Kang, the dynasty of the Western Tsin (Pin.Western Jin) state (388-431) was Syanbi (Pin. Xianbei) (their language was proto-Türkic and proto-Mongolian), and the founders of the dynasty and state Former Yan (333-370) belonged to the tribe Mujun (from Amur and Manchuria). They also were dynasts in the Western Yan (384-394) and Southern Yan (398-410) states. The Southern Lian (Pin. Liang) state (397-414) was established by the Syanbi (Pin. Xianbei) from the Tufa tribe ("braid-weavers”,whose braids was considered to be a ladder to the Sky), and the Sya (Pin. Xia) state (407-431) was established by the Sünnu (Huns), the dynasts of the State of Dai (Northern Wei, 386-530) were Toba (Pin. Tuoba) Syanbi (Pin. Xianbei) (Tr. Tabgach), the dynasty Northern Tsi (Pin. Qi) (550-577) was Bohai (tribes of Far East), the dynasty of the state Later Tan (Pin. Tang) (923-956) was established by the Türks (their western Chigil tribes), the state Liao (907-1125) was Kidanian (Pin. Khitanian), Tszin (Pin. Jin) (1115-1234) was Chjurdjen (Pin. Jurchen) state. The Yuan dynasty (1260-1404) was Mongolian, and Tsin (Pin. Qing) (1644-1911) was Manchurian.
The testaments of similar nature doubtlessly have oral-historiographical (for example, genealogy-shejre) and literary significance, they are unique, but they cannot serve as unique reference points for ethnological research. In greater measure they are important for study of the process of emergence of statehood in different areas of the Central Asia.
The ethnological research have and apply a number of other methods. Unfortunately, each of them is imperfect, is not also developed the methodology of the historical-ethnological sciences as a whole.
The old Marxist definitions for the most key categories turned out to be unsound, and consequently were rejected, and new are not formulated yet. They are necessary for understanding such complex historical, ethnogenetic and ecological-geographical phenomenon as the Central Asian massive. Inextricably connected concepts of polito-genesis, ethnogenesis, culture-genesis, ideo-genesis are not always filled with specific contents and needed criteria. What are the unclear reasons for similarity (down to terminological) of the polyglot mythological systems separated by space and time. What is the chronological ceiling for the inertia of ideological continuity? Where passes a divide between the stages in the historical process and convergence?
Even a small portion of these questions can't be answered within a framework of one, even a cleverest book, because the available written material is insignificantly small or inaccessible for the different reasons.
In ancient annals and works at times are externally wasteful phrases and messages without direct relation to the text and seemingly without any significance. But a merciless censorship of millenniums does not allow anything insignificant to pass through its restrictive sieve. For example, Mahmud Kashgari tells a story, popular during his time (11th century), about a rain cloud beyond the Hodjent river, that pored streams of water, and created mud which became impassable for the Alexander the Great army. The legendary conqueror perplexedly exclaimed: “What kind of mud is that? We cannot get out of it!”,and ordered to erect there a building where Chigils settled down. On a closer examination it turns out that that that is a mnemonic-coded information about a first stage in the spread of the Manichaean religions in the Türkic world. Rising to the Light (the Country of Gods), the pure Manichaean soul is rinsed in a rain cloud, which washes off all terrestrial sin, and together with the rain they fall down and form mud. The dirt matter, a mixture of Light and Darkness, is that substance of which a terrestrial creature is made, and the “building" is a “school”,a prayer hall of young Manichaean monks.
A part of such material, in logical sequence that makes sense for me, is described in this book.
As a substrate (base), is chosen historical material accessible from written sources (mostly Chinese, they collected a systematic record of historical information about most ancient peoples in the north and west from the Great Chinese Wall ) about tribal “states”,Uechji, Usun and Kangju confederations, collected in the 1st section of the book.
As transpired during years of research, Uechji and Usuns were not two different “state" confederations, but one from the beginning, with two ethnically different and opposing halves of a uniform cosmo-ideological complex “Sun - Moon”.It was a gynocratic state of a lunar clan Uechji (Uti, Ati, Asi), based on the maternal form of the community with a corresponding principle of inheritance, including dynastic. The crisis of this form has caused separation of the Usuns (As-mans) in the transition to the patriarchal form of the family. The gynocratic form of community was a “brother family" with the inheritance principle “senior brother - younger brother (from the same mother) - nephew (from a female line, the son of the senior brother)”,i.e. the principle of combining in the inheritance of the male and female lines.
More detailed description of this form of family is given in the paragraph “Sogdak, Küngü, Tarban”,where is described a sharp crisis created by attempt to transition to solely patriarchal (Kagan) rule, which caused a civil war in Eastern Türkic Kaganate in the beginning of the 8th century. It also was a main reason for creation of opposing in their contents and objective large ancient Türkic runiform inscriptions in Mongolia.
The pattern of the text and contents of the sections are driven by the idea of evident ideological continuity, traceable from the first written records about Uechji and Kangju tribes (2nd century BC). The sections about tribes or confederations which are ideological heirs were limited to a problem ideo-genesis research as a major components of culture genesis, they cannot be mistaken for ethnogenesis. The are only a study material for ethnogenetical studies.
The main actors of the Uechji mythology, with partial preservation of the names, are encountered in the pantheons of Yantsai (Alans/Abzoya), Kypchaks, Türks-Oguzes and Türks-Ashtaks. The likely ideological successors of the Kangju (Kangha, Küngü, Kang, etc.) “state"-confederation are the Kangits, Hanga-kishi, Azkishi, Imeks, Kangly. The substrate ethnopolitical base of the Türgesh Kaganate was Uechji-Kangju. The Türgesh Kaganate was a new state, and not a continuation of the Western Türkic Kaganate history.
Such patterning of the material, not by a political, ethnic or another attribute, and only by a principle of ideological continuity, is not an end in itself and not a pursuit of originality, but a way to establish channels of ideological continuity from the last centuries B.C. to the new times.
The second section of installments is named “Türkic Manichaeism”,I examine it as systematic compilation of material about introduction and spread of Manichaean world “religion of Light" in the Türkic Steppe in the 4th-10th centuries. Comparative ease and painless adoption of this theology clearly shows the important factor that it absorbed in its credo all rational contents of the local cults. In a number of cases the Manichaean religion benefited from formal similarity of the local cult with the Manichaean theology. For example, the originally Uechji views about Moon, Milky Way (Tree of Life) and Dragon were temptingly beneficial for the conclusion about their similarity with the Manichaean symbols.
At the beginning, Manichaean preachers were trading Sogdians, the main operators on the Great Silk Road, which numerous routes covered the whole continent, up to Pacific Ocean coast. Trade aided religious preaching, and religious preaching became a reliable aide for traders.
Adoption of Manichaeism by the leading layer of the majority of Türkic tribes meant their joining the economic and cultural connections of the continent.
Some observations of this book have been published, they were noted in scientific and periodical publications.
The scientist of the NAN Institute of Oriental Studies K.U.Torlanbaeva rendered a great assistance gathering literature for the theme, in textual work, and by writing some sections of the book.
Highly skilled technical participation in the preparation of the manuscript for printing was done by the staff of the publishing house “Daik-Press”.
The initiative in composing this book belongs to the director of NAN Institute of Oriental Studies, professor М. X. Abuseitova, without whose assistance it could not be published.
Taking an opportunity, I bring my sincere gratitude and gratefulness. I shall be especially grateful to the reader who, taking this small book, will read it to last page without thinking that he have wasted his time.
UECHJI (Pin. YUEZHI), YANTSAI, USUN, KANGJU
Prior to the end of the 3rd century BC, the dominating force in the eastern part of Eurasia was the “state" confederation of nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes dominated by Uechji (Pinyin Yuezhi) tribe . The borders of this confederation can be outlined only conditionally. From the vague records of the later time, its southeast limits were at the left bank of the river Huang He from the headwaters before the northern bend to the south. The border further went to the north, covering western and eastern slopes of the Great Khingan. At the northern extremity it turned to the west, from Northern Mongolia and Southern Baikal area to the Sayano-Altai mountains. It included tribes of different origin, various languages and anthropological type, and non-uniform cultural and economic conditions. The native territories of the Uechji were lands from the Nan Shans mountains in the south to the Altai in the north.
In Altai, the memory of Uechjies (Pinyin Yuezhi) survived as a group of Pazyryk kurgans with fabulous funeral inventory, which remains for decades a research subject for different scientific specialties. Chronologically, the first of them are dated by the 5th century BC (A Yu. Alekseev et al. C14 dating testifies to much earlier period - Translator's Note). The arrival of Uechjies in this region, according to linguists, belongs to the period not later than 7th-6th centuries BC. Other scientists, deeming them Tochars and from the archaism of the many elements in the monument language of the Tocharian writings (end of the 1st millennium AD) in the Eastern Turkestan, are inclined to date the beginning of their movement from the Asia Minor to the east by the 2nd millennium BC. The presence of Tochars explains the sharp change in quality in the art of Bronze Epoch, and introduction of wheeled transport in China during the In epoch (13th-11th centuries BC). The presence of Tochars also explains the arrival in China of a foreign goddess cult “Mother-queen of the West" (Ch. Si-van-mu), who lived on the top of the Kuenlun mountains.
Anthropologically (Fig. 1), the Pazyrian Uechjies were predominantly Europoids. Central Asian Mongoloids were a minority. The Sünnu (Huns) tribes, thought of as Mongoloid racial type, started to consolidate and threaten the borders of China, being in political dependence from Uechji. How this dependence was expressed is not known. The annals only inform about a system of hostages from the dependent tribes at the horde of the Uechji ruler. Such hostage was Maodun, a son of the first Sünnu tribal ruler Touman.
Fig. 1. Sculpture of young Uechji
Only in the 201 BC Maodun-shanyu, after victories over the “eastern barbarians" (Dunhu, Pin. Dongye/Dongyi), dared “to attack Uechji in the west and to expel them”.Under Maodun, the Sünnu became unprecedentedly strong, subdued all “northern barbarians”,and formed a state in the south, “equal in strength to the Middle State”.In 25 years (176 BC) Maodun proudly informed emperor Han: ”... Due to the favor of the Sky, the commanders and soldiers were in sound condition, and the horses were strong, which allowed me to destroy Uechji, who were exterminated or surrendered. I [also] pacified Loulan, Usun (Pin. Wusun), Hutsze and other 26 neighboring possessions, which all began to belong to Sünnu" [Sima Qian, ch. 110, p. 1035-1036, f. 13b-14а, Taskin, 1968, p. 43]. In 127 years (in 49 BC) the annalistic description about conclusion of an oath declaration between Sünnu and Han attributed this victory to Laoshan: “Using the skull of the defeated by Laoshan-shanyu Uechji ruler as a bowl, they drunk wine as a token of conclusion of alliance bonded by blood" [Ban Gu, ch. 946, p. 1131, f. 6a-b, Taskin, 1973, p. 38].
The horse bridle of the Uechji soldier from Pazyryk was decorated with ornaments embossed with images of fallen enemies, the Sünnu Mongoloids (Fig. 2). Now the Sünnu drank from a skull of the killed Uechji leader the oath wine with blood of a sacrificial white horse mixed with a gold spoon [Klyashtorny, Savinov, 1998, p. 169-171]. After that, there was no Uechji “empire" any more.
Fig. 2. Sünnu images
The quoted lines give sufficient idea about the vassalage relations. In this case they are limited to the “outo" concept, meaning a duty to be a “sentry" and a barrier on the frontier, and a participation in the military operations of the suzerain. In the eyes of the Shanyues, the Uechji were and remained a “small state on the western border of Sünnu”.
Chjan Tsian (aka Zhang Qian). The union was a main military threat to the Han empire, and the imperial court relentlessly searched for an ally to fight against Sünnu. In this struggle it viewed Uechji as potential allies. Chjan Tsian was sent with an intent to conclude a union with them, he left Lunsi on the eastern edge of the Gansu province, but he went not to the west, but to the north. The supreme ruler Tszjunchen-shanyu, interrogating the immediately captured Han ambassador, told him: “Uechji are north of us. How can Han send an ambassador through our country? If we wanted to send a currier to the Üe (far south in relation to Han), would Han allow us to do that?" [Ban Gu, ch. 61, p. 749, f. 16, Kryukov, 1988, p. 240]. Certainly, this is a Chinese interpretation of interrogation re-told by Chjan Tsian, but its sense is unequivocal: he went to the north.
Chjan Tsian stayed in captivity for10 years. He settled, married and had a son, but did not forget the purpose of his trip, and saved the ambassadorial bunchuk (symbol of power, a staff with horse hair on the top - Translator's Note). When he had a chance, he fled, and continued his trip started a decade ago. His route went by the Northern road through Terekdavan pass to Fergana valley (Ch. Davan, Daiuan), and the to Kangh (Ch. Kangju) and, at last, to Bactria, where at that time already lived the escaped Uechji. He already knew their history, learned during his life with the Sünnu. This knowledge reflected the Sünnu vision of the past, a vision of the victor. Returning home after twelve - thirteen years, he reported in detail about everything he had seen, and about the unwillingness of the Middle Asian Uechji to oppose Sünnu. About the Usun state, which was away from his route, he said: “Living among Sünnu, your servant heard that Usun king is called Hunmo. The father of Hunmo, by a name Nandou-mi, in the beginning lived together with Great Uechji between the Tsilyan (Qilian) mountains and Dunhuan, they constituted a small state.
Great Uechji attacked and killed Nandou-mi and captured his lands, and his people fled to Sünnu. His son Hunmo was just born, and tutor Butszju-sihou fled with a baby in his hands. He laid him in the grass and went to search for food. Upon return, he saw that a she-wolf feeds [the baby] with milk, and the raven with meat in its beak flies beside. Deciding that [the boy] is divine, he took him and returned to Sünnu. has grown fond [of Hunmo], and brought him up. When [Hunmo] has grown up, Shanuy gave him the people of his father, and sent him to lead an army. A few times [Hunmo] was successful. At that time the Great Uechji, already defeated by Sünnu [armies], attacked in the west the king [of the people] Se (Saka) which fled south and migrated to the far away lands. Uechji began to live on his lands. Hunmo was in a prime of life, and asked for Shanyu permission to revenge his father. And then in the west he attacked and defeated Great Uechji. The Great Uechji again fled to the west and migrated to the Dasya (Bactria) lands. Hunmo seized his people and settled there, [then] his army grew. And when Shanyu died, he did not want to serve the Sünnu [shanyues] dynasty any more. Sünnu sent an army against Usuns, but was unsuccessful: thinking that he is divine, the army left. Nowadays, the Shanyu has new difficulties in relations with the Han, and the [former] Hunmo lands are empty. The barbarians dream about returning to their former lands, and, besides, are eager for the Han's goods. If to take advantage of the situation, ingratiate Usuns with generous presents, we will convince them to move east to resettle on the former lands of Hunmo. [After that] we shall send a princess, and establish brotherly relations. We would begin patronizing them, and they will obey. Doing that, we shall chop off the right hand (i.e. the right wing, the Western territory) of Sünnu “[Ban Gu, ch. 61, p. 750, f. 4а-í, Kryukov, 1988, p. 232, 227-228].
The text of the Biography of Chjan Tsian is a fundament for the earliest stage of the Uechji -Usun relations. This Biography is placed in the Chapter 61 of the “History of Han dynasty”,it formed a canvas for reconstruction of the Narration about Davan in the “Historical notes”,lost soon after the death of Sima Qian [Kryukov, 1988, p. 229-230]. Reconstruction of the lost text was made with errors and changes that altered their meaning. For example, the words “Great Uechji attacked and killed Nandou-mi" were changed to “Sünnu attacked and killed his father" [Sima Qian, ch. 123, p. 1140, f. 9b]. This replacement, as will be shown, completely distorts the picture of internal relations in the lunar-solar rule of the Uechji and Usun state. The reader without access to the Chinese original is limited to the distorted text [see Bichurin, 2, p. 155], and thinks that the subject is an attack of Sünnu against Usuns. The words “Hunmo's father by the name Nandou-mi in the beginning (or: “initially”,"in the root”,ch. ben) lived together with Great Uechji between Tsilyan (Qilian) mountains and Dunhuan, they constituted a small state" are changed unrecognizably: “Father of [this] Hunmo was [a leader] of a small state on the western border of Sünnu “(compare Bichurin: “Father of this Gunmo had a small possession on Hunnu western limits”). The words “Butszju-sihou fled with a baby in his hands. He laid him in the grass and went to search for food. Upon return, he saw that a she-wolf feeds [the baby] with milk, and the raven with meat in its beak flies beside." are changed to: “Hunmo stopped in a field. The raven flew above him with meat in its beak, she-wolf fed him with its milk" (compare Bichurin: “Gunmo, just born, was abandoned in a field. Birds pecked insects from his body, she-wolf came to feed him with its milk”).
There is also an obvious error in the text of the legend, because of the Sünnu being a source of the story. The military actions of the listless Usuns, with only one remaining representative brought up at the Shanyu court, are credited with exaggerated great role in the events that cardinally changed ethno-political map of a huge region. D.Sinor, who investigated this story, wrote: “Studying Usun history probably presents more problems than solutions" [Sinor, 1982, p. 239]. Nevertheless, the story of Chjan Tsian can be viewed as a valuable and the only source of non-Han origin for the study of the dim period in the history of Central Asia.
Chinese transcription С5845, 11435 Uechji (<*ngiwat-tie) transcribes the sound of the the foreign term *uti/oti/*ati. It also has a semantic sense. The hieroglyph С5845 jue means “Moon, female force In, wife, queen”.The term Uechji means “clan of the Moon”.Such understanding of hieroglyphs in the transcription of Uechji is confirmed by a constant epithet “Moon" (Sanskrit candra, canda, Iranian mah) in the name of the king Kanishka of the Uechji - Kushan state [Maenchen-Helfen, 1945, p. 80]. One of the earlier transcriptions is С4056, 11435 nüchji (<ngiu-tie <*uti ~*oti) “clan of the bull”,i.e. “clan of the bicorn (rising) moon, crescent”.Such interpretation is justified by the words from Iranian “Vendidad" (Ch. 21): “Ascend, rise crescent, - you, which gestate a bull”.
A part of this tribe in the northeastern corner of Ordos, and further northeast from it, had a name Üychji (< ngiou-tie < *uti) “clan of greenstone/jasper”,a symbol of the Moon. These hieroglyphic versions reflect pronunciation uti and contain information about the main ethnographic feature of this tribe: it is a “clan of the Moon”,i.e. clan of Queen-Woman. The Uechji go name in the sources means not only the “Uechji state”,but also the “Queen-Woman state”, ginetocratic state. In this light, the words of the chronicler are indicative: “When the king of Great Uechji was killed by the Huses (Sünnu, 176 BC), his spouse became a queen. She conquered Dasya (Bactria) and ruled it" [Ban Gu, ch. 61, p. 749, f. 1b-2а].
The native lands of Uechji were “between Tsilyan (Qilian) mountains and Dunhuan”."Lianchjou, Ganjou, Sujou, Guachjou, Shachjou and other districts are the Uechji state lands”,explained one of the comments [Sima Qian, ch. 123, p. 1136, f. 1а]. On their southeast border was С8414, 10754 Dasya (<*da-γa) area. The hieroglyph С10754 in the toponym could reflect hara [Gertsenberg, 1981, p. 237], this allows reconstruction of the reading as dahara. This name was subsequently transferred on Bactria, conquered by Uechji tribes, as Tocharistan (Ch. Dasya).
In the 10th century in these territories was created a Tangut state Si Sya, thought of as a restored state of the ancient Dasya. It was called: Bo Gao Dasya go “White and High state Dasya (Tochar)" [Kychanov, 1968, p. 54-55]. Hence, in the transcription of Dasya is justified to see the initial Tochar. Ptolemy (VI, 16, here and below following Stevenson, 1932) in the description of a trade road mentions a tribe Tagur and a city Togara at the end of a trade road to the country of Sers [Roerich, 1963, p. 121-122], probably identical with the Dasya district [Ban Gu, ch. 28b, p. 406, f. (а)]. It was located on the homonymous river, a tributary of Taohe, flowing into Huang He. This area was a part of the Uechji state [Lu Imou, 1924, Huan Venbi, 1950]. In the east it was reflected in the binomial ethnonym Ottorocora (<*ot+torcora, compare Khot.-Sak. Taudakara, Tib. Thod-kar), mentioned in the same part of the Ptolemy work. Reflecting the process of Uechji migration to the west, in the Chapter XII (Sogdiana. The seventh map of Asia), in northern part of the Yaksart section (according to S.P.Tolstov, it is Kuvandarya, a left tributary of Syr-Darya) he places a tribe Yati and Takhor (Tachori), and in the Chapter XI (Bactriana. The seventh map of Asia) he places “Tochars (Tochari) - a large people" (Ch. Dasya). The problem of equating Bactrian Dasya-Tochars was resolved by G.Haloun [Haloun, 1937, p. 290].
Strabo (XI, VII, 21) wrote that Bactria was captured by the Ases, Pasians (i.e. Ases or Asians), Tochors and Sakarauls (i.e. Sakarauks) tribes, who came from Yaksart. Pompeus Trogus (1st century BC) in the extractions of Justin (1st century AD) names the conquerors of Bactria and Sogdiana Sa(ka)rauks and Asians, belonging to the Scythian tribes. The Asians were “kings of Tochars" (reges Thocarorum Asiani) [by: Umnyakov, 1940, p. 182-183]. The Scythian term “Asian” finds correspondence in the “Atian” of Pliny, who also knew the tribe of Attacori west from Funs (Huns) and Focars (Tochars) [Piankov, 1988, p. 192].
Advising on plausibility of transposition -t-//-s in the words Asian/Atian, prof. V.I.Abaev wrote: “In the Ossetic the Iranian “s' corresponds with “t": forot “axe" (Ir. *parasu-), roton “rope" (Ir. *rasana) and talm, a name of a tree (Ir. *salmi-). So, the transposition as-//at- for ancient Iranian period is admissible and logical”.This allows to deem as cequivalent the terms Ot-/At-/As-/Asi, and in the Atian/Asian to see a plural form of Ati, Asi. The Chinese appelation Uechji corresponded with Uttorocora/Attocar, it was common for Ases and Tochars in the east and in the west.
The term Az continued its existence in the Türgesh time. Tamga as a bow
The term “Usun”
2 millenniums ago “Usun” sounded *ah-sman < *asman, and the “Asman” was an Iranian word meaning “sky”,the modern phonetics of the “Usun” is a modern pronunciation of the hieroglyphs С7696, 4412 烏孫. The annals also contain the Chinese translation of this term. Around 107 BC, a Han emperor sent to the Usun (Asman) country a princess to marry the Usun ruler. She was young, and the ruler was old. They met once-twice a year, she was bored, and she composed a song that began with the words: “Gave my relatives me out to the Sky (Tian) country" [Ban Gu, ch. 966, p. 1167, f. 3a]. And a second attestation, in China the Usun horses (Ch. Usun ma) were called heavenly horses (Ch. Tian ma) [Sima Qian, ch. 123, p. 1142, f. 12а, Tszyan Botszan, et al. Lidai..., I, p. 42]. Ptolemy (177 AD) knew a tribe with such name (Asman). During his time it was located to the east from Ra-Itil-Volga (VI, 14).
The hieroglyphic etymology of “u-sun”, noted by P.Daffina [Daffina, 1969, p. 145, note 6], has a meaning “Descendants of Raven”.The meaning of these hieroglyphs is significant, the mythological image of the Raven is far from trivial. In ancient India raven was held as a senior brother of Garuda, the Eagle. As the story goes, two birdie embryos grew for some thousands years in a belly of one of the gods (different names are mentioned). Only an eternal night existed then, and the day had yet to be created. One of the embryos eagerly dreamed about meeting a first sunrise, and begged the god to let him out from the belly, even though till its birth remained another thousand years. And the god took pity. And the embryo left underdeveloped, and in the rays of the rising morning Sun its plumage looked red. And he was named: Aruna, which means Red. It was a Raven. He became a driver in the Sun chariot, and a symbol of the morning dawn. And the other embryo left in time, one thousand years after the Raven, and went at once in search for bloody food. It was Eagle, he was named Garuda. He became a king of birds, like Indra is a king of all gods [Erman, Temkin, 1957, p. 54-56, 209].
In ancient China the Raven U or Chi-u ("Red Raven ”)was a personification of the sun. According to the most ancient myths, in the beginning ten suns were in the Sky, and the heat was crushing. To get rid of it, was called a Hunter. The hunter Hou-i came to a plaza, pulled a bow, and sent a white arrow into the flaming ball in the Sky. In an instant the ball burst and fell down, shedding gold feathers. Something sparkling fell to the ground. People run up and saw a huge Gold raven, pierced with the arrow. It was one of the Suns [Yuan Ke, 1987, p. 143, Yanshina, 1984, p. 43]. The paleo-Asian peoples of Amur, Indians of Northern America, Chukchis, Sakha Yakuts, etc. connected it with light and fire [Meletinsky, 1992, p. 245-247]. The myth about connection of the Raven with the Sun was known to the Crimean Tatars. “The Raven, so big that when he flies, sun eclipse happens, is marrying the younger daughter of king. When her younger brother needed to find a daughter of the Sun, the Raven collected his subject birds, and one of them helped the prince to find the daughter of the Sun “[Potanin, 1894, p. 725, Dyrenkova, 1929, p. 125].
The documents of the 17th-18th centuries from Shoria recorded ulus Kyzyl Karga - “Red Raven”.Among the Shors was a seok (clan) Kyzyl Karga. Some of them in the past migrated to the valleys Esi and Tei, separating into seoks Sug- Karga (Water Karga) and Tag-Karga (Mountain Karga). During separation, they disputed the division of eagle feathers, instead of raven feathers, [Potapov, 1969, p. 132, Kimeev, 1986, p. 48]. In an episode from the Mongolian annals, a Kongrat Dai-Sechen addresses his brother-in-law Kiyat-Bordjigin Esukei: “Last night I saw in a dream that instead of a krechet (hawk) I hold a raven, representing a tamga (sulde) of the clan Kiot (Kiyat), from the Bordjigin family" [Gomboev, 1858, p. 124, Abramzon, 1971, p. 356].
In 647 Western Türkic Kagan from the Ashina tribe presented to the Tan emperor a Golden Raven as a gift. They carved a “feathery creature out of wood and plated it with gold" [Van Tsinjo, ch. 970, p. 1140, f. 12а]. Arrival in China of certain raven-like birds heralded an invasion of Türks. This bird was contemptuously called “hoofcie" (Syrrhapta paradoxus) or “Türkic birdie”.But the respective article in “Tai-pin guan tszi" encyclopedia is called “Great Raven" [Li Fan, ch.. 139, p. 1005]. Obviously, behind the everyday name was hidden symbolism of entirely different type.
In the epos “Kitab-i dedem Korkut”,all royal Oguzes traced their descent from a mythical bird Tulu/Dulu [Bartold, 1962]. The “Gold (Kagan’s)" clan of the ancient Türkic dynastic tribe Ashina (< Hot.-Sak. ashsheina “blue”,"dark blue”)was called Shar-Duly (< Middle Persian zarr duli “Golden bird Duli”,"Golden/Red Raven”). In that clan was born prince Kül-Tegin. In the glabella part of his sculpture in the Husho-Tsaidam enclave (Northern Mongolia) his headdress is embroidered with a bird with wings spread like an eagle [Sher, 1966, p. 19, Hayashi, 1996, p. 264, compare Ermolenko, 1998, p. 96], personifying a Raven.
The name Kyzyl Karga was also imprinted in the Türkic toponymy. After arrival in Kucha (now SUAR Chinese People's Republic), M.M.Berezovsky's 1905 expedition went to the Kyzyl-karga district where it found ancient manuscripts [Litvinsky, 1988, p. 32, note].
In the Usun myth, Uechjies killed Nandou-mi, a father of Sun-god Hunmo. Hunmo was born after the death of his father, and was left in the steppe. This plot became widely known after Sima Qian composed his “Historical notes”.It was used by the scholars of that time as a historical parallel to prove the divine essence of the Chjoustan ancestor Houtszi, reportedly born without a father, by a divine intervention. Using for that purpose a “Sünnufilian" version of Sima Qian, a philosopher Van Chun (27-97) wrote (in E.M.Yanshina translation): “The van (leader) of the grandsons of raven (Usuns) was named Kunmo. Sünnu attacked and killed his father, his mother gave birth to Kunmo. He was abandoned in the steppe, ravens brought him meat in their beaks to feed him. The head of the tribe was amazed by that and decided that he is divine, took him and brought him up... Houtszi should not have been abandoned, therefore the horses did not trample him, and birds covered him with their wings. Kunmo should not die, therefore ravens brought him meat and fed him" [Yanshina, 1984, p. 81-82].
The role of she-wolf is clear, she is a deity of fertility and earth-water, a Dragon embodied as she-wolf. In the Türkic genealogical myth the same functions bore she-Dragon - she-wolf. It is important that the Raven - Sun feeds him with meat which is a flesh of the totem. In other words, Hunmo is a terrestrial embodiment of the Sun god. This is also reflected in his name. The hieroglyphs С11918, 8428 (昆莫) khun-mo (< γuən-mak/guan-mak), with the standard transmission of the transcriptional final -n of the foreign sounds, and also -r, -l, with -n, ascend to a appellation *hvar-baγ/*hvar-bag and corresponds to the Iranian hvar-baγ/hvar-bag “Sun-god”.The contemporaries knew and remembered the divine essence of Khunmo. In addition to the conclusion of the tutor, who construed that the baby was a god, the head of the Sünnu, as stated the “Historical notes”,also regarded him to be a god [Sima Qian, ch. 123, p. 1140, f. 9b]. Once, a Sünnu cavalry was sent to a war against Usuns. But the troops refused to fight and “left" because the Usun army was headed by the god (Shen) Hunmo [Ban Gu, ch. 61, p. 750, f. 4а].
It is believed that the western area of Usuns was a valley of the river Ili. In the west Usuns bordered the Kangar state (Ch. Kantszüy/Kangju) in the valley of the Syr-Darya river. This proposition does not consider substantial circumstances. The source tells that between Usun and Kangju countries was a state Ushan-mu, in conjugal relations with Sünnu leaders: “between Usun and Kangju was a small state Ushan-mu" [Ban Gu, ch. 94а, p. 1127, f. 37b, Bichurin, 1, p. 85]. North from Usun was a state Ile which Chjichji-shanyu intended to attack [Ban Gu, ch. 70, p. 85, f. 82]. It existed at least until the 4-5th centuries (see section Yantsai below). In the Chinese annals this was the name for the river Ili [Malyavkin, 1989, index]. But in the descriptions of the Usun country the river Ili is not mentioned. Northwest (should be “northeast"?) of Usun was a state Üeban/Yueban (Urpen, Orpen) [Li Yanshou, ch. 97, p. 1292, f. 14b-15а, Bichurin, 2, p. 258-259]. In the beginning of the 8th century still remained a toponymic trace of that state in the name of the district Orpen or Orpün. Probably, the eastern part of that country was the district Urbün (Tuva). There happened a battle of Eastern Türks with the troops of the Chik people, who lived in the territory of modern Tuva. The question of localization of the western Usuns' state remains unresolved until present. Specialists on the sources concordantly correlate it to the Dzungaria territory [Kryukov, 1988, p. 235, with historiography of the problem].
The story is designating precisely the location of the Usuns/Asmans, living “together with Great Uechji" “between Tsilyan (Qilian) mountains and Dunhuan”.Tsilyan (Qilian) mountains is a Richtgofen ridge in Nanshan mountains.
Probably in the Ban Gu version the words of “Historical notes”,read “and the former lands of (prince) Hunie are vacant" instead of the “former Hunmo lands are vacant”,can be embraced as sufficiently proven [Sima Qian, ch. 123, p. 1141, f. 10а]. The subjects are the Uechji lands seized and annexed to Sünnu, and the Uechji princes Hunie and Sütu in service of Sünnu. In a battle with Han armies (121 BC) they lost some tens of thousands killed, and Shanyu recalled both of them to his court to execute them. The princes did not return to the court, and instead of executions chose to become Han subjects. But in the last moment, Sütu changed his mind, and Hunie killed him. Hunie with his tribe went to the Han’s territory, where he was given 10 thousand households “for feeding" [Ban Gu, ch. 17, p. 146, f. 4b]. The Hunie tribe in the middle of the 2nd century BC coached in the middle part of the Gansu province, where the Hans later created districts Chjanie and Tszütsüan. The name of the tribe and the name of the prince С4324, 3588 hun-e (< γuən-na/guan-na < *hvarna, hvarana) corresponds to the name of the haurana Scythians, and to the Haurana city in beyond-Imeon Scythia of the Ptolemy “Geography" (VI, 15, 3-4). Hvarana of the Chinese source is an Iranian symbol of royal fortune hvarənah/hvaranah, emanation of the Sun - hvar [Dushesne-Guillemin, 1962, p. 203-204]. With a large dose of probability can be assumed that the Hunie (Hvarana) tribe was a tribe of the priest-keeper of the royal farn (karma? luck? - Translator's Note). Precisely there, to the Uechji's central lands, the Usun (Asman) Hvar-bag (Hunmo) was asked to return.
Prince Sütu and his tribe coached east from the tribe Hunie (Hvarana), in the area of ancient and modern district Uwei/Wuwei in the Gansu province [Shiratori, 1930], the transcription С8851, 2643 sü-tu (< khiəu-da < *xuda) ascends to the Iranian term khuda “god”.The description of that tragical episode, when Han’s armies under command of Ho Tsüybin in the 121 BC killed and took prisoner some tens of thousand of Sünnu (Uechji flying the Sünnu flag!), says that at that time was seized (cast from gold or plated with gold) portrait of a gold man (tszin jen), in front of which the prince Sütu (Khuda), “made sacrifice to the Sky" [Ban Gu, ch. 94а, p. 1118, f. 20а-b, Bichurin, 1, p. 65].
Is known the history of his son, he received a surname Tszin - “Gold”,and name Jidi, he went from being a stableboy to a closest man to the emperor. The sculptural group of the royal clan U also had his portrait [Chavannes, 1893, p. 26-27]. Probably, the Hunie (Khvarana, Khvar-bag) and Sütu (Khuda) tribes represented the solar fraction of the state. The following message is not clear if it refers to the same, or absolutely different “Golden man”.In 31 BC Han's court through its viceroy granted (returned?) to Usuns the Golden man [Ban Gu, ch. 96b, p. 1169, f. 7b, Küner, 1961, p. 91]. A similar image was found in the area of the Issyk city of the Alma-Ati province, and by now it has gained a world fame. Its ideological importance is shown in the monograph of A.K.Akishev, who characterized it as “cosmocrator and demi-urg, a warrior embodied as antropomorphic Cosmos" [Akishev, 1984, p. 82]. In 250 years (approximately in 177) this tribe is mentioned by Ptolemy (VI, 15, 3) next to Khaurans Scythians under a name of Khut Scythians.
Written sources do not allow to definitely discern the family and community form in the Asman (Usun) society, though the fact of Asman (Usun) departure from a gynocratic state is an indication of the change, it could not be a result of one-time migration. In this sense the figure of Butszü-sihou who in the genealogic myth takes the newborn, worries about his food, and comes back to Sünnu (in this case they undoubtedly are Uechji in the Sünnu confederation) is indicative. No one stops him. That means that he was a “trustee father" (Ch. fu-fu), with a right to take a newborn. Only a blood brother of the mother, the uncle on the maternal side, like a mother in a male embodiment, has such right during a transition from maternal-rights family to patriarchal family. In ethnography this phenomenon is called avunkulate (from Lat. Avunculos “uncle”).
Along with theoretical understanding of this phenomenon [Levi-Stros, 1985, p. 41-47, Outlook (Ru. Mirovozrenie), 1989, p. 40-46], there are studies of the factual ethnographic material [Kosven, 1948]. At that stage the man does not move any more into the house of his wife, just the opposite, he takes her in his house ("in marriage”). The matrilocal spousal residence is replaced with patrilocal one. But at the same time the wife and her children retain their affiliation with the former maternal family and clan. At that time the maternal family is already headed by a man, a father or a brother of the woman given into another's family or clan. In such system the uncle on the maternal side is regarded as the real father of the child, instead of the blood father. And although a mother remains in the husband's house, her children (sons) “return home”.The blood father and his relatives are obligated to turn the child over to his uncle, “return" him to his family. M.O.Kosven called this order “return of the children”.
The first literary message about avunkulate belongs to Tacitus (Germania, VIII, 18-20). F.Engels on this occasion wrote: “Crucial importance has one place in Tacitus where it is said that the brother of mother looks at nephew as at a son, the some people even think that blood bonds between uncle from the and nephew are more sacred and close than connection between father and son, so when hostages are demanded, a son of a sister serves a better guarantee than the own son of the man who warrants a guarantee. Here we have a vestige of the clan organized by a maternal right, hence the initial stage" [Engels, 1975, p. 152]. The nephews were all-powerful and used exclusive privileges in the family of the uncle on the maternal side. Relicts of this custom are also known at present. According to the Kazakh common law, nephews could take anything from relatives of mother up to three times [Argynbaev, 1975, p. 35]. In the Kyrgyz past, the nephew on mother side at a feast at an uncle or grandfather could take any horse from their herd, take any delicacy. Even survived a proverb “Better come seven wolves than one nephew (from the mother line)” [Pokrovskaya, 1961, p. 52-53].
Butszü-sihou “returned home" the newborn “god - sun" Hunmo”.The word С5651, 8697 sihou (<*khiəp-g’u) is a title. The second hieroglyph С8697 hou (<g’u) of this transcription in ancient Chinese language meant a title of second hereditary noble of the five upper classes. F.Hirth has successfully compared the transcription sihou (<*khiəp-g’u) with a title yavugo on the Uechji -Kushan coins from Kabulistan and yabγu of the ancient Türkic monuments [Hirth, 1899, p. 48-50]. This title is first of all an Uechji title, or, in the opinion of the eminent scientist, it is a “true Tocharian” title. In the 11 BC an Uechji from the Sünnu state fell in the Han captivity, he was a “chancellor" (Ch. syan) with the title sihou (yabgu). After 4 years he returned to the Sünnu shanyu. Shanyu gave him his former post of a “second (after Shanyu) man in the state" and retained the title sihou (yabgu). The bearer of this high title did not belong to the Sünnu dynastic line, described in detail in the sources and is well-known. Probably, he was a member of the numerous Uechji autonomous diasporas in the Sünnu confederation. This history suggests that in the Usun (Asman) state Butszü-sihou was a yabgu.
The word С6492, 12983 butszju (<*pwo-dz'iog) can correspond to a title bhozaka (Bhojaka) on Hephtalite coins of Zabulistan. Bhojaka, or Great Bhojaka is one of the names of the great solar god at Saks of India, meaning “savior”,"deliverer" [Ghirchman, 1948, p. 44-46].
The assumption about the existence of the Uechji autonomous diasporas in the (Usun) Asman state is based on facts. First, it is a direct statement of the chronicler that in the state “live the tribes (chjun) Se (sak) and Great Uechji “[Ban Gu, ch.. 96b, p. 1166, f. 1b].
In the (Usun) Asman state were Uechji sacral symbols and Kuyan areas (Ch. Tszüyian, “Milky Way”)and Akas/Akasa (Ch. Eshi, a residence of queen of the Moon). The mass migrations of the nomadic tribes carried with them the names of theiir gods, and the former names of the holy areas turned up in the new lands. The areas С4297, 11347 Tszüyian (Kuyan) and С14521, 6579 Eshi (Akasa) also turned up in the Usun (Asman) country. They are written by different hieroglyphs than the standard designation of the Edzinagol names, demonstrating by that a different location, but the episode in which these names show up are again connected with the queen. Mindful of a frontal attack by the Han armies, in 73 BC shanyu sent an envoy to the Usun ruler, with a demand to surrender to him a Han princess given in marriage to the ruler, so that her presence at the capital would protect them from danger, and thus deprive the hostile Usuns of the help from the Han. The princess refused categorically, and asked the emperor to take military measures. In response, Sünnu captured the Usun provinces Tszüyian and Eshi [Ban Gu, ch. 96b, p. 68, f. 4а, ch. 94а, p. 1125, f. 33b]. Where the Uechji chancellor Bojaka-yabgu (Ch. Butszju-sihou) was returning to, with a newborn god on his hands, becomes clearer now.
Probably, the lines that Hunmo had more than ten sons was a continuation of the theme about throne succession and type of family. The allusion to the “ten sons" of the ruler is a statement about the military-administrative structure of the state based on a decimal system. The description continues: “The middle son, Great Lu, was strong (by character). He was a good military leader, he headed an army of 10 thousand (and more) horsemen and lived separately. A senior brother of Great Lu was a successor to the throne, and the successor to the throne had a son Tsentszou. The successor to the throne (before death) told Hunmo: “Declare Tsentszou (after me) a successor to the throne! “Hunmo agreed out of a pity (to the dying). Great Lu was angry. He called his senior and younger brothers, rallied people to a mutiny, and intended to attack Tsentszou. Then Hunmo gave Tsentszou 10 thousand (and more) horsemen and ordered him to live separately. Hunmo also had 10 thousand (and more) horsemen for his own protection. The state was divided into three parts. The general authority belonged to Hunmo" [Ban Gu, ch. 96b, p. 1167, f. 2а, compare Küner, 1961, p. 76].
Tri- partite division is typical for the nomadic states. It is based on a military principle of attacking with left and right wings or flanks, led by the center, and similar formation during multi-group encircling hunts. In each wing, members of the tribes belonging to it were stationed in exact hierarchical order, depending on the place occupied by them in the traditional structure. The Sünnu left (eastern) wing had a privileged status, there was a successor to the throne, there was the residence of the queen. In the 7th century, such was the ten-arrow Western Türkic Kaganate, which was located “on the lands of the former Usun (Asman) state" or “on the former Usun lands”.The backbone of the Kaganate consisted of ten Türkic tribes, five in each wing. The first in the list of tribes of left (eastern) wing is listed a tribe Ulug-ok/uk, which was a conjugal tribe of the Kagans from the western branch, from the “celestial-blue" Ashina tribe. The social-official term ulug (Ch. Hulu < γuo-luk < uluγ “great”,"senior”)is found in the Ashide tribe (< *ashtaq, see section 2) in the Second Türkic Kaganate. It was a tribe of the co-ruler chancellor and katun queen, the spouse of the Kagan from the Ashina tribe. Only Ashina offspring on the father side and Ashtak offspring on mother side could inherit the Kagan throne. Succession to the throne followed the established so-called “brotherly family" along the line “senior brother - younger brother - nephew (a son of the senior brother)”,with compulsory participation of the queen's Ashtaks at each step of the sequence.
The Queen and chancellor held a decisive vote in the election of the Kagan, performed in accordance with the norms of the “brotherly family”.The Ashtaks represented the lands and people of the state. The bearers of the title Ulug had a position of “chancellor”,"vizier”,"state elder" in the later times also. For example, in the archaic text of the “Turkmen’s Family Tree" (17th century), the “ruler of the state" (il ulugy) was a mythical Dib Bakui, a son of Amuldja-khan [Kononov, 1958, p. 39, line 151]. The son of the elder (ulug) and aksakal ("white-bearded" - Translator's Note)of Uigurs, Erkil-hodja, was a vizier of Kün-khan ("Sun - khan”): “Kün-khan appointed him a vizier and followed his advice until his death" [Kononov, p. 49, line 473-474].
The above source allows to uncover elements of the twofold scheme in the Usun (Asman) state. Pointing directly to tri-partite makeup presumes a presence of a left (eastern and prestigious) wing, a center (ruling base) and right (western, generally younkers and military) wing. Both annals noted left (eastern) and right (western) military leaders, and other similar rank positions [Tszyan Botszan, et al. Lidai..., 1 , p. 408, 414, Küner, 1961, p. 73]. The second man after a Supreme ruler is called a chancellor (Ch. syan) Great Lu. Ancient Chinese sound of hieroglyph С9509 Lu (< luk ~*luk) can be viewed as an incomplete transcription of the already familiar Türkic term uluγ “great”,"senior”.Examples of such incomplete transcription of this particular word are found in other Chinese texts [Hamilton, 1955, p. 85, 158-159]. Thus, the preceding word Da “Great" (in a combination Da lu “Great Lu”)is a calque translation of the Türkic ulug.
The Western Türkic Ulug was a head of a tribe Ulug-ok/uk, a martial partner of the Kagan “celestial-blue" Ashina tribe. The tribe Ulug-ok was a first among the five tribes of the left wing in the Western Türkic Kaganate. The Usunian Great Lu (Great Ulug) is named as a middle of ten “sons”.Because of the uniformity and prevalence of the common scheme, identical in its basis, it can be concluded that Usun Ulug was a member of the five-component left wing, and his tribe was in conjugal relations with the “heavenly" tribe of the Usun (Asman) ruler, it was a queen and Türkic-speaking tribe.
Detour on base and borrowed lexicon
It should be noted that lexicon of the Chinese and other written sources about neighboring peoples was mainly of military-political, historical, and cultural type, the exceptional mobility and penetrability of which are also well-known today. When an ancient term for differently-lingual people, tribe, or men, is reconstructed according to historical-phonetical developmental trends of the language (in this case Chinese) of a document, for identifying the language of its bearers the term is far from ever being a reliable evidence. Jordan wrote “Everyone knows and pays attention, how much the customs of tribes accept the names: Romans accept Macedonian, Greeks accept Roman, Sarmatians accept German. The Goths mainly borrow Hunnic names." [Jordan, 1960, p. 77]. Therefore the studies of the Uechji and Usun language, made a century and even half a century ago on the level of science at that time, and without consideration of the related material, can't be taken as fundamental in attribution of these languages, though it would be wrong to reject a rational grain contained in them, if this grain exists.
"Ulug" and “Bori" in Türkic lexicon
Quite a different matter is the base lexicon, to which belongs the Türkic term uluγ, supplied with a Chinese translation and semantically justified as “big”,"great”,"senior”,"elder”.
The same should be stated about the ordinary for the steppe nomadic term böri “wolf". An opinion used to exist that it was borrowed from the Iranian languages (Avest. wahrko, Sogd. wyrk, etc) and “could not be explained by means of the Türkic languages" (V.Bang). G.Vambery explains it from bör, bor “grey" [Vambery, 1879, p. 202], “that in phonetic, and in the semantic relation does not cause pointed objections" [Scherbak, 1961, p. 31]. P.Budberg, L.Bazin and V.P.Yudin hold it as Proto-Türkic [Bazin, 1950, p. 248, Yudin, 2001, p. 284-285] (whether it comes from Nostratic, Türkic, or Persian, the word “Böri”,and its derivative personal “Boris" were deeply ingrained in the Türkic titulature and personal names, and penetrated most of the surrounding peoples to a degree that presently “Boris”,derived from “Böri”,is an international name with royal repute - Translator's Note).
In the Usun (Asman) genealogical myth, the most important is the image of a wolf wet nurse. The name С5261, 1434 Fuli (< piu-lyie < böri) is widely known. First of all, Bori (Ch. С5215, 1434 Fuli < piu-lyie < böri) is a name of a tribal branch in the Uechji queen realm in the Edzin-gol (Tszüyian) valley, headed in the 119 BC by the governor Bori (Fuli-van) with the name Chantulo (compare Sanskr.candra “moon"), who surrendered to the Han, and for that received a title Hou and a district Syanchen. His former Fuli district was apparently transferred to a Han military leader Lu Bode, who constructed there a fort Chjelu-sai [Sima Qian, ch. 20, p. 342, f. 86, p. 343, f. 9а, Bichurin, 1, p. 72, 3, p. 23]. Hence, the image of the dragon-she-wolf wet nurse depicted a lunar Uechji woman. The same name had one of the Usun Hun-mi [Ban Gu, ch. 96b, p. 1169, f. 7b]. In an ancient Türkic genealogical legend a she-wolf plays the role of the wet nurse and pra-mother. Her name is written with completely identical hieroglyphs С5260, 1434 fuli (< piu-lyie < böri), and ia accompanied with a translation “lan” “wolf, she-wolf”.In memory of their descent from the she-wolf, the leib-guardians of the Türkic Kagan were called fuli/bori, and over his court court flew a banner with an image of the wolf head [Linghu Defen, ch. 50, p. 425, f. 4b]. A leader of an autonomous ulus of the Kaganate had a title Bori-shad (Ch. Boli-she) [Lü Süy, ch. 1946, p. 1436, f. 1b], and soon after that the same title had a Türkic viceroy in the subjugated Kai (Si) state on the banks of the river Shara-muren [Ouyan Sü, ch. 215а, p. 1501, f. 8а]. One more Bori-shad (Boli-she) “guarded" the dependent Tocharian state Yantsi (Karashar) [Lü Süy, ch. 1946, p. 1445, f. 3b], and the father of the Western Türkic Aru-Kagan (Helu) was *Er-Bori-Shad Yakuy-tegin [Ibid, p. 1446, f. 4b]. The “General Codex" recorded: “Sometimes (the Türks) establish fulin (< piu-lien < börin), i.e. kagans. Fulin is a name of a wolf, because of their avarice and propensity to murder they are given such title" [Du Ü, ch. 197, f. 6а].
... A son could not inherit his father, therefore Hunmo ostensibly only “out of pity for the dying" successor to the throne agreed to transfer this post to his son, which caused a fury of the Great Ulug, his relatives, and people, who had taken to arms. The arbitrary decision of the supreme ruler to institute a new principle of inheriting the throne by the line “father - son”,bypassing the queen (maternal) Ulug tribe, did not gain support and was rejected at that time.
Soon after describing this episode, the chronicler narrates: “Hunmo was old, and the state was divided. Hunmo could not rule on his own”.Still, Tsentszou became a supreme ruler, but after his death the supremacy inherited not his son Nimi, but his younger brother (?) Venguimi. After Venguimi death, the throne also passes not to the son of Venguimi, but to Nimi, a son of Tsentszou. This sequence shows that the “brotherly family" institute continued, comprising in the succession to the throne the union of paternal and maternal lines.
An important section of the East - West trade road passed through the Usun (Asman) country, and trying to entrench in it, the Han court endeavored to coax Usun elite to orient only on the Middle Kingdom, using military pressure or collaboration, and generous gifts and payoffs to upper chieftains. An important tool in that was marrying the Han princesses to Usun rulers. The structure of intertribal relations started changing profoundly. The throne, established on the principles of “brotherly family”,was an embodiment of a concept “land + people + ruler”.But the influence of the ulug chancellor declined. In the 11 BC a gold seal with purple cords was taken from the Great Lu, and replaced with a copper seal with black cords [Ban Gu, ch. 96b, p. 1170, f. 80]. The court undertakes measures to liquidate the institute of “brotherly family”.
In 64 BC, when the mentioned Üanguimi did not receive the Supreme throne from his father, the Han court sent to Usun a dignitary, to express a displeasure. The succession to the throne began go by a descending line “father - son”,and each of the rulers included in their title a word “Hun" (Hvar, “Sun”).
Neighboring the Usuns lands, Ptolemy names “Akasa area" [Piankov, 1988, p. 194]. The Hans knew it under a name “cruel deity" С14524, 6529 Eshi (< ak-si). This district was also included in the Usun (!) possessions, and in 74 BC the Sünnu, demanding surrender of a Chinese princess, captured that district [Ban Gu, ch. 94а, p. 1125, f. 33b, ch. 96b, p. 1168, f. 4а]. This name is repeated in the name of an Utigur queen, Akagas, in the report of the Byzantian ambassador to the Türks Valentine in 576 [Menandr, 1861, p. 418, Chavannes, 1903, p. 240]. The Utigurs of Menandr are Uti, associated with Aorses of the Pliny “Natural history" (VI, 39). The word Uti was a real proto-type of a transcription Uechji < ngiwat-tie < uti [Pulleyblank, 1966, p. 18]. In parallel, a tribe Uti existed in the east, in the valley of the river Edzinagol and lake Sihai and Salty (Sogo-nur and Gashiun-nur respectively). In the 416 a ruler of the state Northern Lian conducted a military campaign against Uti. Along the route he made sacrifices at Golden mountain Tszinshan and in a temple of Queen- mother of West Si-van-mu. In the temple was an image of goddess Si-van-mu, sculpted of a black stone. The ruler ordered to etch on the stone a dedication text [Fan Siuanlin, ch. 129, p. 853, f. 6а]. The features of the Uechji goddess-queen are similar to the image of the Asia Minor goddesses Great Mother Cybele, in a form of a silver statue with its face sculpted from a rough black stone, placed in a sacred cart next to a reservoir [Frezer, 1983, p. 330]. Tentatively, it could be asserted that Akasa area was a residence of the Uechji queen.
A “common Uechji" symbol was kuyan/gayan (compare Scythian. γaya - “light”,"white”)as a terrestrial embodiment of the Moon and Milky Way. From several hieroglyphic depiction of this word the steadiest is С2109, 11347 tszüiyan < kio-yen. So were called the Uechji main river and lake north from Nanshan (Edzin-gol), as well as the royal clan and the main city of the Western Tocharian (Kocha) princedom Tsütsy (SUAR of the CPR) [Fan Е., ch. 47, p. 694, f. 4, Huan Venbi, 1983, p. 224-228]. The all-permeating “whiteness" of the short-haired Kuchans was translated into the Chinese language by a word bai “white" [Ouyan Sü, ch. 221а, p. 1552, f. 9а].
One more Uechji sacral symbol was Tsilyan (Qilian) mountain 200 li southeast from Chjanie/Ganjou. It was on a southern border of the Uechji proper possessions. “There are fine waters and excellent grasses, in the mountains is warm in winter, and cool in summer, (these places) are suitable for pasturing sheep" [Yao Weiyuan, 1958, p. 200]. The natives of these mountains also were called with surname С14380, 11148 Tsilyan (Qilian) (*giag-lien <*giglen). About one of “Kiglenians" is said that his ancestors were from a clan of the Noble Woman [Li Boyao, ch. 41, f. 7 a]. In the 5th century a Hunnu surname С14482, 11148 Helyan (< khək-lien) was replaced with Tefu ("Mother”)[Wei Show, ch. 95, p. 1192, f. 18 a-b], though these hieroglyphs could be translated as “iron bridge (cart with dyshl, parents)”.The hieroglyphic rendition of a sacred mountain, a tribe, a noble lady, etc. is different, but their old sound is uniform: *kiehlien, *kiəglien, *gieglien, *khəklien, *khioklien. Their nearest phonetic and semantic parallel is Phrygian kiklen “wagon”,"cart”.So was also called the constellation wagon, the Big Bear. The semantics of this word between the forest peoples of Amur is notable. Evenks call the Big Bear constellation not a Wagon, but “She-moose Heglen" [Rybakov, 1981, p. 54].
The cult of the Phrygian Great Mother of gods, the fertility goddess Cybele was moved from Asia to Rome in April. And the goddess at once took on to work. That year was collected an unprecedented harvest of grain, vegetables, and fruit. On a March 27 holiday “into a wagon drawn by oxen, was put a silver statue of the goddesses with the face sculpted from a rough black stone. The wagon headed by patricians, walking barefoot, slowly adv advanced toward the banks of Almon. There the High Prist, dressed in purple, washed with flowing water the wagon, the statue and other cult objects”.
The ablution of the fertility goddess in the river, by concept of J. J. Frezer, was to recall the rain spells, to ensure enough moisture for budding vegetation [Frezer, 1983, p. 327-332].
Accepting the plausible premise about Uechji origin of the image of the fertility goddess Mother-queen of West Si-van-mu presence in the ancient Chinese myth, then it is connected with the remote ancestors of the Uechji “Chariot of clouds" or “Cloudy wagon" Si-van-mu. Her wagon were clouds at the top of Kunlun, and her daughter Yaotszi, white as soya cheese, bathed in the Silver/White river of the Milky Way [Yuan Ke, 1987, p. 367-368]. The “folk- religious" Syr-Darya goddess of water and rain, of child fecundity and fertility Ardvisura Anahita, like her ancient Indian twin Sarasvati, personified the Heavenly river/Milky Way, and was a rain-giver. She stood in a “Rain wagon”,the Thundercloud, from which streams of water dropped on the ground (tata ara “flowing or falling waters”,rain). In her wagon were harnessed four white horses (compare Uechji phrase bo ma “white horses”): Rain, Wind, Cloud and Hailstorm. She is revered with white milk mixed with white Haoma juice [Lommel, 1954, p. 405-413]. It is a general of Uechji proto-type of a cloud wagon-kiglen, and of the fertility goddess in the Nan Shan mountains, which in its Uechji part (Richtgofen ridge) were called Kiglen (Qilian). After in the 121 BC the Han military leader Ho Tsiuibin captured from Sünnu (Uechji in Sünnu confederation) these lands, they sang sadly: “The loss of our Tsilyan (Qilian) mountains caused all our domestic herds to cease to multiply" [Tszyan Botszan, et al. Lidai..., I, p. 53, Taskin, 1968, p. 147-148] (Chinese Wikipedia explains that “崑崙" (Kunlun) was an ethnic label during Tang Dynasty for the China's “black-skinned" immigrant residents from Indian sub-continent and South Pacific islands. Thus, the toponym Kunlun has a connotation “Indian”,or considering that in the 17th-16th c. BC the Shang Empire is linked with dark-skinned Dravidians, has a connotation “Dravidian”).
The image of the fertility goddess in a cloudy chariot was also alive in the ancient Türkic time. The lands where the Ashtaks (Ashide) Khatun (queen) fraction of the Kaganate was placed was Tsilyan (Qilian) area. The Tangut state Si Sya, which history was considered to be a continuation of the history of ancient Dasya-Tochars, was not only white, but also high [Kychanov, 1968, p. 54-55]. It was a “State of white and high Dasya-Tochars.
The image of a cloud wagon Kiklen (but compare the above version *khioklen < *khoklen) obtained in the Kazakh folklore features of one-legged (i.e. snake-like) dragon who ate the heart of the ruler of djins and peri, the old women Koklen (and also Koklan, Kokten, etc.). The main hero of the epos “Koblandy-batyr" decides to marry Ak-Kortka, the only daughter of the old woman. Koklen gives him a storm cloud (jai bulyt) and addresses these words:42
To compose a view about Uechji pantheon, should be addressed more closely the annalistic news from the earliest time when the Han acquainted with Uechji, and the Han imperial court saw them as potential allies in struggle against Sünnu.
In the 1925-1926, an expedition under direction of P.K.Kozlov excavated an ancient burial in the Noin-ula mountains 60 kms from Ulan Bator (Northern Mongolia). In richness and significance of the finds, this excavation belongs to the most important archeological discoveries of the 20th century. The most prominent of these finds in color reproduction were published by K.V.Trever [Trever, 1933]. Its analysis was made by S.I.Rudenko (1937) and other scientists. The magnificent gold and silver ornaments, embroidered silk fabrics, carpets with scene images of cosmogenic character have analogies extending to Asia Minor. The ethnic attribution of these and numerous similar materials is difficult because of the lack of any direct written information about the population of this area in the first millennium BC.
Only composition “My Tiantszy Chjuan" ("Tale about the Son of Sky Mu”)has information about Uechji (ngiw.at-tie) country in the end of the 4th century BC. This information is semi-historical. Its realistic part describes the route of Ulin-van (325-299 BC) [about him see Sima Qian Ch. 110, p. 103, f. 5b-6а, Taskin, 1968, p. 37], a ruler of the N.Chinese state Chjao, and tells that that Uechji country began east from the northern bend of the Huang He river [Haloun, 1937, p. 301, Klyashtorny, Savinov, 1998, p. 173]. At the very end of the 3rd century BC, Sünnu subjugated the northern states Hunüy, Tsüyshe, Dinlin, Gegun and Sinli [Tszyan Botszan, et al. Lidai..., I, p. 18, 27] (Hunüy, Tsüyshe, Dinlin, Yenisei Kyrgyzes and Sirs - Translator's Note). Later they conquered the Utsze/Augal state. Probably, Augals, together with Asians, Tochars and Sakarauks, also participated in the storm of Bactria and Sogdiana. But the first and initial point of their migration to the west was the territory of E. Baikal and Big Khingan slopes, not the Nan Shan. It was another branch of the “Uechji”,which united with the Nanshan branch in their movement, initially to the Aral area, and then on to Bactria and Sogdiana.
One more branch is noted by later chronicles, “History of Northern dynasties”,"History of Sui dynasty”,new edition of “History of Tan dynasty" [Li Yanshou, ch. 97, p. 1298, f. 25b, Wei Chjen, ch. 83, p. 82, f. 8а, Ouyan Sü, ch. 221b, p. 1555, f. 1а]. They repeat the same text related to Sogd (Kan , compare Sogd. γ'n kwtr'k). The New edition reads: “The clan (of the ruler) Wen from Uechji tribe, in the beginning they lived north from the Tsilyan (Qilian) (Keglen) in the city of Chjao'u”.At the turn of the eras, a district S2205, 11512 Chjao'u (< 'tsiau-miu) in fact existed north from Tsilyan (Qilian). It was located near the district Shandan on the left bank of the river Edzin-gol in the Uechji central area Chjanie [Ban Gu, ch. 28, p. 407, f. 3 a]. A variation of this name can be seen in the С2205, 6965 Chjaomu (< tsiau-miuk). In 658 this word was a part of the title of the Stone kingdom's ruler [Ouyan Sü, ch. 2216, p. 1555, f. 25, Chavannes, 1903, p. 141].
In respect to the northern “Uechji" tribes, in 127 BC and probably during expulsion of the Sünnu tribes from the Ordos (area inside northern bend of the river Huang He) by the Hans, an important Sünnu dignitary (syan “chancellor”), with an Uechji title sihou (yabgu, a leader of a dependent possession), switched to the Han side. He was given a Chinese surname and a name Chjao Sin. “For feeding”,he was given 1680 households [Ban Gu, ch. 17, p. 146, f. 3 b], and he was appointed to command one of the vanguard contingents in the Han army, campaigning against Sünnu north of the river Huang He. Four years later, he returned to Sünnu, taking advantage of a favorable occasion. Shanuy (Günchen, 161-126 - Translator's Notes) restored his former position, the Uechjian Chjao Sin became a “second (after shanyu) man in the state”.Shanuy gave him in marriage his senior sister (daughter?) and “began to consult with him about the ways to fight the Han. Chjao Sin advised shanyu to retreat further to the north across the (Gobi) Desert and lure the Han’s armies to exhaustion, and when their weariness reach its limit, to attack them.... Shanuy followed his advice" [Sima Qian, ch. 110, p. 1040, f. 23b, compare Taskin, 1968, p. 53].
The shanyu's residence was transferred to the north of Gobi (to Khangai), and the residence of the “second man" became a “small town" (chen “wall”,in this case a court-residence of a nomadic ruler, enclosed with earthen wall rampart) homonymous with yabgu's name near the Tian-yan mountain in the southern part of Khangai [Tszyan Botszan, et al. Lidai..., I, p. 54, Taskin, 1968, p. 54, 91, opposing view: Malyavkin, 1989, p. 120]. The name Tian-yan is not a transcription, but a Chinese translation of the Uechji word meaning a “full face (of the Moon)”,and of the same order with the Uechji “jasper clan" (symbol of the Moon), the Uechji “clan of the Moon”,and the Uechji “clan of the Bull" (symbol of the rising Moon).
In the first centuries AD began an active and universal process Türkification process among the steppe population of the Central Asia. The steppe population's ethno-linguistical form was changing, but because of the continuance of environmental conditions, and the continuance of economic activities, the traditional beliefs could not drastically change. A part of cosmogenic symbols gained Türkic appellatives, another part preserved their former (Tocharian - Translator's Notes) appellatives. In any case, the Türkic ethnocultural environment indisputably filled them with a new or renewed contents.
First of all, it is the term Uigur with a base Ui/Ud “bull" ascends to the appellation of the rising (bicorn) Moon. The Western-Tocharian name of the bull okso survived in the name oγuz (~öküz) and in the name of the confederation of Türks-Oguzes. About Türks-Oguzes “lunar" origin manifests the Uigur version of the “Oguz-name": “Once glistened the eyes of Ay-Kagan (Moon-Kagan), and she gave birth to a son (follows an image of a bull)”.He was called Oguz, and he became a king of Uigurs.
The myth about the birth of Uigurs' ancestor Buku (Тürkic “Bull”)in a tree hollow is well-known. The cosmic tree is a Milky Way, in the “hollow" (fork) of which is born a new moon. The “royal" tribe of the ancient Uigurs was Yaglakar. Its basis yaγla “butter" ascends to the most ancient ritual of anointing the horns of the bull, or to string balls of butter on their tips, before plowing the land or mating, in hope for a plentiful crop and good offsprings.
A 9th century Uiguro-Tibetan road guide mentioned a tribe Hi-dog-kas [Bacot, 1956, p. 147]. It is an iduq-qash, a “sacred white jasper”,the Uechji successor of the “Jasper clan" Uti. Near Uti clan was located a tribe led by a strong leader Hi-kil-rkor-hir-kin (Igil kül-irkin). In the Chinese sources they were known in the rendition sitsze (< -γiei-kiet < igil). In the middle of the 7th century they were located on the northern bank of the Helyanchji (< khok-lien-cie < *kheglench, *keglinchi) river, i.e. the River revered as a cloud wagon of Keglen [Van Pu, ch. 72, p. 1307]. The text of the Uigur Eletmish-Kagan monument identified “Igil people" as followers of the Manichaean creed, and consequently thir name Igil is supplemented with a determinative qara ("blackness”)(qara igil bodun, Mogoin Shine Usu monument, line 14). These are the Oguz successors of the Tocharian Utsze - “Augals" (the ancient Central Asian Tocharian Augals become the 8th century Igils/Chigils, and branch up as 7th century Uokil/Vokil royal clan of European Bulgars and handed-down traditional Chigil ancestors of 18-19th century European Gagauzes - Translator's Notes).
The name Kuyan (Tszüyian) and Tian-yan “Full face (of the Moon)" are found in the Oguz setting on the slopes of the Great Khingan. A significant group of the Khingan Oguzes received in the Chinese sources an appellative С2690 Si “downpour”,"stream”,and С2658, 2690 Bai-Si “white downpour/stream”.A whole group of tribes called Bai-Si had main religious symbol “White stream" Milky Way (Kuyan). About an origin of the Silver (~white) river - Milky Way as a stream is recounted in a touching cosmogenic myth about oxen shepherd Nülan and a weaver girl Chjinüi. The goddess Si-van-mu lived with her grand daughter weaver Chjinüi, who was weaving light clouds out of silk, on the spurs of Kunlun, on the bank of a terrestrial Silver river Inhe. Kunlun is sometimes identified with Uechji's Tsilyan (Qilian/Keglen) mountains. On the opposite bank of the river of lived a lonely oxen shepherd Nülan, passionately in love with the goddess-weaver.
Crossing the river from time to time, once the oxen shepherd attained that she became his wife. Learning about the marriage of a simple shepherd with her grand daughter, Si-van-mu became furious. To end the love encounters of the young, she moved the Silver river to the sky, and scratched it with her golden hairpin. The quiet smooth surface of the river became an insurmountable wild stream. The separated shepherd and weaver suffered so much that they became Oxen Shepherd (the star Altair of Aquila) and Weaver (the star Vega of Lyra) constellations on the opposing banks of the Silver river - Milky Way. The faithful Shepherd till now have not lost his hope to meet his beloved. Every night he tries in vain to drain water from the Silver river with a ladle, to cross to other bank [Yuan Ke, 1987, 108-110, compare Sima Qian, 1986, p. 274].
Probably this beautiful myth about Milky Way Kuyan (Ch. Tszüiyan) was the same among the Uechjies. Among Türks and Mongols it found some new aspects, but the essence of the Kuyan/Kiyian myth remained the same, because later the eponym Kuyan became a name of the mythical ancestor of the Kypchak “Milky Wayans”.These tribes were spread in spots in the territories from E. Baikal [Tsen Chünmian, 1958, p. 751] to the Shar-muren (Silyao-he) river basin in the southern part of the Great Khingan, called by various names, Tszinwei-shan (Golden mountains), Altunkan (Turkic, the same meaning), Tszin-shan (Golden mountains), Karaun-chidun (Black wagon), Len-sin (Cold pass, Mong. Kuiten), etc. Because of the remoteness of that area, information is very poor, and the description of one part of Bai-Si was sometimes ascribed to another. It created a confusion, also greatly helped by modern Chinese, Japanese, European, and Russian researchers . In a course of the Tan's partitioning into administrative districts, in the middle of the 7th century, of the lands that used to belong to the just defeated Seyanto Kaganate, the territory of the tribes who were becoming their vassals were renamed “districts" (Chjou). “The district Tian-yan is created on the (pasture lands) of the tribe Bai-Si. The district Tszüyian is created on (pasture lands) of a separate tribe Bai-Si “[Ouyan Sü, ch. 43b, p. 298, f. 2b, Malyavkin, 1989, p. 24].
Naming different Bai-Si groups Tian-yan and Tszüyian is only intended to distinguish them geographically, not violating the truth, their places could be interchanged, or they even could be joined. In the basin of the Shar-muren (Huanshui), its right tributary Loha-muren, and Lensin mountains, the Si (Bai-Si) tribe lived together with proto-Mongolian tribe С8497 Khi (< γiei~hai < qai), relatives of the proto-Mongoliani Kidan neighbors. Their general characteristic as a whole was dependant on what part of the not always peaceful confederation the information came from. The Uiguro-Tibetan document about them said: “To the east of their country is a tribe which the Tibetians call He (Khi), the Chinese call He-se (Khi-si), and the Türks call Dad-pyi" [Bacot, 1955, p. 145]. The Türks really called them with a word Tatabi (Bilge Kagan, Husho Tsaidam, line 2), ascending to the Iranian *tata api “falling waters" (Avest. tata apo). It helps to reduce the image of the Uechji Kuyan (Milky Way) as a “White falling stream”.During the Mongolian time (13th century), the term kuyan was known in several phonetic versions, including Kiyan. Rashid ad-Din wrote: “Kyian is a stream falling from the mountains to the lowland, fast, rough and strong" [Rashid ad-Din, 1952, p. 154]. From a tribe Kyian (Mongolian plural form Kyiat) came Chingiz-khan. In the histories of Kazakhs and nomadic Uzbeks, all Chingizids are Kyiats.
The Türkic name gets also the Chinese designation Tian-yan “full face (of the Moon)”.The Old edition of the “History of Tang dynasty" tells that Khi includes a numerous tribe С3498, 6231, 13377, 3234 dulun getszin (< tuo-liuen kuət-kiən) - *tolun korkin ~ *tolun körk “full face (of the Moon)”.Its army reached 10 thousand men [Lü Süy, ch. 199, p. 1499, f. 13, Tsen Chünmian, 1958, p. 752, Taskin, 1984, p. 367]. It was included in Mongol structure under a name Dolungir [Kozin, 1940, para. 260, Rashid-ad-Din, 1952, I, book 2, p. 91, Poucha, 1956, p. 79, 89].
Far from being exhaustive, this list of tribes and confederations whose pantheon repeated or even explained some features of the Uechji pantheon. Tor example, these are Abzoya, Urbe-Kypchak, and others, the historical information about which is offered below. It can create an impression that the similarity of these features is convergent, and it should be noted that nothing disappear completely.
- Kategori: EARLY TÜRKS: ESSAYS on HISTORY and IDEOLOGY
- Oluşturulma tarihi: Cuma, 08 Nisan 2011 13:25
- Son güncelleme: Pazar, 04 Eylül 2011 15:37
- Yayın tarihi: Cuma, 08 Nisan 2011 13:25
- Yazar: Yu. A. Zuev
- Gösterim: 522
The written sources that have reached us allow to detect direct traces of “Uechjism" far in the west, in the Aralo-Caspian region. It is the Yantsai country, records of which appeared after Chjan Tsian(Pinyin: Zhang Qian) return.
The country Yantsai (< iam-tsai), the version with key hieroglyph No 53 yan “roof": Antsai (< *am-tsai)] is known since the time of Chjan Tsian (Pin. Zhang Qian) embassy, a full Biography of which is in the Tale of Daiuan-Fergana in the “Historical notes" text of Sima Qian, once lost, but later reconstructed from the materials of “Han History”.Therefore, the text about Yantsai in both works is repeated almost literally: “Yantsai is located approximately two thousand li northwest from Kantszüi (Pinyin: Kangju (康居) ), [their] battle-ready army [is] more than hundred thousand. [They] live by a large lake without shores, apparently, this is a Northern (in relation to Kantszüi) sea" [Sima Qian, ch. 123, p. 1138, f. 4а, Ban Gu, ch. 966, p. 1164, f. 17а].
Already in the first years after discovery of the Western territory, the Han imperial court applied to the Yantsai state importance level of Parthia, Datsin (eastern colonies of Roman empire), and India, which is stated in the description of the actions undertaken right after the victories over Sünnu in 121 BC: “In the beginning [they] opened the Tszütsüan area (in Gansu province) to link with the Northwestern states. Therefore [they] again sent embassies to Ansi (Parthia), Yantsai, Ligan (Datsin) and Shen-du (India) “[Sima Qian, ch. 123, p. 1142, f. 12а].
During that period were explored and stabilized the western routes of the Great road, and the Yantsai in the Aralo-Caspian basin took a key place on its Northern route: “The Northern road, after crossing Tsunlin (Pamir) toward the west, runs into Daiuan (Fergana), Kangju (Kangha) and Yantsai “[Ban Gu, ch. 96а, p. 1156, f. 16].
A few centuries later, the situation was presented differently. The author of the “History of Later Han, 25-220" Fan E, living in the 398-445, and thought of as having used the work composed by Üi Huan “Brief review of the Wei state, 220-265”,wrote: “The Yantsai state began to be called Alan-Liao, [its ruler] lives behind earthen (fortress) walls (Ch. tszüi di chen), and is dependent of Kangju. The climate and soil are warm, plenty of pine and feather grass. Customs and clothing of the population are identical with Kangju" [Fan E, ch. 88, p. 1316, f. 17b].
This text does not either directly, or indirectly state a settled way of life of all population of the country. By a strange misunderstanding, the Japanese scientist K.Siratori translated the expression “tszüi di chen" as “people live behind clay walls" [Shiratori, 1956, p. 226]. If that phrase had this meaning, it would have been placed lower, among the words about clothing and customs of the population, instead of the political characteristic of the state. Composing such information, annalists adhered to a standard scheme: 1. The name of the country. 2. A residence of the ruler and his characteristics. 3. The general description. The cited text meets this scheme. The expression “tszüi di chen" does not have words “people and clay”.The hieroglyph “di" in the combination “di chen" means: 1. Earth (planet), Earth globe, terrestrial, underground. 2. Country, state, territory. 3. Earth. It is even possible to conjecture that with the hieroglyph “di" in the primary text concurred the hieroglyph “tu" (deliberately compounded to avoid “tautology”,because it was used again one hieroglyph later in a combination “tu tsi" “climate and soil”)with meaning: 1. Earth, soil, dust, clay, earthen, clay-made, bitten-mud made, etc.
With reference to the events of that period, a combination “tu chen" - “earthen/clay wall" is found in the description of a Sünnu Chjichji-shanyu fortress on the Talas river, which along with a wooden wall (mu chen) inside of it, was also enclosed with an earthen/clay wall (tu chen). That also means that in this case an identical designation described only a rampart or a wall around the court of the ruler, and not the homes of the country population.
The “Brief review of the Wei state" (Wei lue), short quotations of which survived only as comments of a Sun scientist (southern dynasty Lu Sun, 420-479) Pei Sunchji to the Chen Show work “Description of three empires, 220-264”,contains the following lines about the Yantsai country: “Also is a state Lü, is a state Yan and still a state Yantsai, also called Alan. They all are one custom with Kangju. In the west [they] border Datsin, in the southeast [they border] Kangju. There it plenty of famous sable, they move with cattle in search of water and grass, [they] adjoin a large lake/bog, in the past [they] depended from Kangju, but nowadays are independent" [Chen Show, ch. 30, p. 411, f. 34а].
In a sense, a similar description of Asian Alans is given by Ammian Marcellin (XXXI, 2, 17): “Coming to a place rich in grass, they set their coaches in circle, and exhausting all forage for cattle, they again carry their, so to say, cities, located on wagons. On them the men mate with women, on them are born and brought up children, these are their permanent homes. Driving in front of them harnessed animals and their herds, they graze them, a greatest care they display in caring for horses”.
In Siratori opinion, transcription Lu (< liəu) reflects the Volga name Rav (in Mordvinian ravaksh “inhabitants of Rav, i.e. of Volga”), they were Finno-Ugrian people along the middle course of Volga. Probably, the Avesta storytellers also heard about these places (Vendidad, 1, 20, 76-78), calling them “countries on the banks of Ranga (Ra) waters who do not know authority of rulers”.Transcription Lu is practically identical with Liao (< liəu) in combination Alan-Liao. Alan is Alans, who occupied from the turn of our era the area from the coasts of the Aral and Caspian seas to Don, including Northern Caucasus and Black Sea Coast. The existence of binomial Alan-Liao, besides a common dependence of both peoples from Kangju, testifies that they had internal links, but apparently discoursing about them is yet too early. Probably, they were relations of hierarchical interdependence, in which orbit also was the Yan (< ngiam) possession, located, as thought Siratori, in the Kama river basin, the left tributary of Volga. About the Yan, the “History of Late Han" said: “State Yan is in the north from Yantsai, it depends from Kangju. From there come sable pelts" [Fan E, ch. 88, p. 1316, f. 17а].
The real term hidden behind the transcription Yantsai (< iam-tsai), or as in “History of Chjou”,Antsai (< am-tsai), is not solidly established. Still F.Hirth and A.Gutschmidt, and relatively recently (with a question mark) E. Pulleyblank identified Aorses with Yantsai, following the important role of Aorses tribe in the Aralo-Caspian area noted in the ancient sources (for example, Ptolemy, VI, 14) [Hirth, 1885, p. 139, Gutschmidt, 1888, p. 69, Pulleyblank, 1962, pt. 1, p. 99]. J.Marquart thought they are Massagetes [Marquart, 1938, p. 65]. Tsen Chünmian and K.Siratori, who earlier held to a different view, identified Yantsai with Kypchaks [Tsen Chünmian, 1958а, p. 670]. O.Maenchen-Helfen and H. V.Haussig saw in transcription Yantsai one of designations of White Huns Ephtalites [Maenchen-Helfen, 1945, p. 250, Haussig, 1953, p. 321].
The now lost composition “Han tu tsze-gu" (Interpretation of the text of “Han History”), quoted in the comments to the “Historical notes”,said that “Yantsai is Hesu (< γap-sou)" [Sima Qian, p. 1138, f. 4а]. Probably, in antiquity all three cited transcriptions were thought to reflect the phonetics of the same word. Moreover, the third transcription was used independently, and it was perceived as ordinary. So, the Biography of Chen Tan said that N.Sünnu shanyu Chjichji, then serving under a flag of the Kangju ruler, collected an annual tribute from the Hesu and Daiuan states [Zuev, 1957, p. 68]. An early commentator Yan Shigu cites the composition of Hu Guan: “Approximately one thousand li north from Kangju is Yantsai state, its other name is Hesu. That means, Hesu is Yantsai" [Ban Gu, ch. 70, p. 857, f. 4а]. Siratori and Teggard, and the writer of these lines, believe with sufficient reasons that the noted variations reflect the name mentioned by Pliny the Elder (23-79) Sarmato-Alanian tribe Abzoy. Here is Pliny the Elder judgment about the peoples living on the banks of the Scythian gulf of the Caspian sea: “On this side (i.e. the western side) live nomads and Sauromats under many separate names, and on that side (i.e. in the east) live Abzoys with not a smaller number of names “(Pliny, V, 36). L.A.Matsulevich wrote “Apparently, under Abzoys and Arzoys in Pliny statement, including numerous tribes, should be understood those “upper, i.e. foothill, Aorses" who, as stated Strabo, “possessed extensive country and dominated, can be said, the greatest part of the Caspian coast so that they even traded in Indian and Babylonian goods" [Matsulevich, 1947, p. 132].
The term Yantsai/Antsai/Hesu/Abzoya is a politonym, substantially synonymous with the term Sarmatian, and in turn, Aorses (compare Avest. aurusa “white”)whom Ptolemy in the sixth book of “Geography" places near a “great race" of Syrdarya Yaksarts, also were simultaneously Abzoys, and Sarmatians of the Asian Scythia, or of the Asian Sarmatia. Speaking about S. Caucasus trading connections of the Aorses, Strabo does not mention the eastern part of the Trade Road (Northern route), in which orbit were Fergana, Kangha, Abzoya and (even in the Chinese records) the Volga region.
It should not be taken that in the Chinese sources understood the country Yantsai exclusively as a location around the Aral Sea. The Chinese sources give an image of all the huge territory of the Sarmato-Alan pasture territories, though it is undisputable that the eastern and northern Aral area were most known to the Chinese [Tolstov, 1947, p. 75, 1948, p. 20]. The Northern road with its branches extended on a continental scale, and Yantsai/Abzoya held an appropriate place in its operation.
From the available written records, no significant city type trading or craft centers existed in the Yantsai country, if not to accept for those the forts “with earthen/clay wals" of the Abzoy ruler, or mobile cities of felt yurts on wagons described by Ammian Marcellin. Nevertheless, to the middle of the 7th century belongs a distinct message that a commandery of the former Yantsai country was in the city Hulu (< γuo-luo) [Ouyan Sü, ch. 43b, p. 301, f. 9а]. No other news about it could be found [Malyavkin, 1989, p. 267]. It should be noted that the transcription of Hulu is explanatory, and its hieroglyphs read “Sogdian road”,from which follows that the city stood on a Trade Road, and the operatives of the road were Sogdians. In the “Tang's review" this city is called: Sogdian city of Hu-chen [Tsen Chünmian, 1958а, p. 145]. This information is positively complemented by other sources, in particular, by a 982 Persian geography book “Borders of the world”,based on an earlier Arabic original. The transcription conjuncts with the name of city Hvara on the Lower Syr-Darya. In the section of the “Maverannahr borders and its cities" it says: “Djend, Hvara and Dih-i Hay ("New settlement”)are three cities on the bank the Chach (Syr-Darya) river. From Khoresm ten post stations, from Farab twenty post stations. The king of Guzes in the winter stays in this Dih-i Hay" [Minorsky, 1937, p. 122].
The localization of the named points is problematic, though it is clear that all of them were located on the Lower Syr-Darya. In another place of the same composition this river, leaving the limits of Chach, passes Sutkent, Farab (Otrar) and numerous small towns to the limits of Djend and Hvar, and runs into the Khorezm (Aral) sea [Ibid, p. 72]. Hvara was at the western extremity of Desert ("Sand”)to the east from Aral: “The other Sand lays between Kimeks and limits of Djend and Hvara. Its extent is huge... “[Ibid, p. 81]. Researchers agree that Early Medieval Djend was located on the Lower Syr-Darya, and identify it with the ruins of Djan-kala. The ruins of Yanga-kent (Dih-i Hay) under a name Djan-kent lay on the left bank of Syr-Darya south from Kazalinsk. The Hvara site is not established yet, though it should be noted that in the Baghdad edition of al-Idrisi maps (mid 12th century) the river Chu (Ruza, al-Idrisi thought it ran into the Aral Sea) is placed northeast from the river where the city Hvaran (in the text: Hvarat) is located in the lower course [Agadjanov, 1969, p. 66]. Ammian Marcellin (XXII, 6, 63) also mentions until the last quarter of the 4th century the city of Hvarana, and also in a city triad of the Lower Syr-Darya, but with another names of two other cities: “From the cities only three are known: Aspabota, Havrana and Saga... “In Ptolemy (VI, 15, 3) “Geography" under a name Havrana is recorded a city far in the east, beyond Kazi (Eastern Tien Shan) mountains, Khata (Ch. Sütu) Scythians, between the Akasa area (Ch. Eshi) and Emod (Ch. Tsilyan (Qilian)) mountains, in the land of Khavran Scythians.
The name of Khavran Scythians finds a direct conformation in the Chinese transcription Khun-e (< γuən-na), which usual presentation of the transcriptional final -n of the original -r precisely conveys the word Khvarana/Khavrana.
It accordance with the Han’s chronicles, in the middle of the 2nd century BC the Hunie/Hvarans occupied Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) possessions in the Chjanie-Ganjou and Tsziutsiuan districts north from the Tsilyan (Qilian) (Nan Shan, Richtgofen ridge) mountains in the territory of the modern Gansu province [Malyavkin, 1989, p. 205]. Possiblyly, it was the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) dynastic tribe that after the fall of the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) state fell under the Sünnu rule, and automatically became “Sünnu”.
Sünnu's defeat of Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) (Uti/Ati/Asi) in the 172-164 BC forced migration of significant part of them to Central Asia. It was not limited to the “storm" of Greco-Bactria, their main part remained in the newly found motherland, including the basin of the Syr-Darya and the Aral area. In the second century, at least three hundred years after the beginning of their migration, Ptolemy (VI, 12, 4) wrote about the Lower Syr-Darya: ”... near a section of Yaksart in the north live Yati and Tagors, belower which live Augals”.
The Sakaraul of the Strabon work (XI, 1, 2) was attempted to be compared with the name Augal [Haloun, 1937, p. 244], even though Gutshmidt and many authors after him (Shventner, Tarn, etc.) saw a deformed by copyists name of a Scythian tribe Sakarauka, mentioned by pseudo-Lupin, Orosi and Ptolemy, in the Strabon Sakarauls [Gutschmidt, 1888, p. 71-72]. According to the V.Tarn's concept, which B.A.Litvinsky with some reservations deems to be the most probable, the native land of Sakarauks was the Aral area [Tarn, 1951. p. 279, 291, 534, 1972, p. 172]. E.A.Grantovsky links the second part of the ethnonym with a reflection of the Iranian rauka “light”,making Sakarauks “light Sakas" [Grantovsky, 1975, p. 79]. There are also other points of view [Kuklin, 1985, p. 108-110]. S.P.Tolstov, relying on graphically deformed variation Augas (Instead of Augal), considered possible to link it with the term Oguz, and on this basis he created a concept about the origin of the ethnic name Oguz ("river”,"bull”), and the Oguz yabgu state with capital in Yangikent on Syr-Darya [Tolstov, 1950, p. 50]. A.N.Kononov on this occasion wrote: “Accepting S.P.Tolstov suggestion leads to reconsideration of all based on historical facts ideas about the origin and ethnic structure of Oguzes “[Kononov, 1958, p. 83].
The Augals are not identical neither with Sakaraukas, nor Oguzes, but they are historical, although the Greek record of the ethnonym incompletely relays its real sound. By the middle of the 1st century BC in the Sünnu confederation in the Mongolia territory actively grew centrifugal ambitions of the rulers of five small “states”,subordinated and incorporated by the Sünnu in the past. One of them was a leader of Hu-tsze tribe ruling “in the western side" (< huo-g'iat/kiat), Hutsze-van, who proclaimed himself a shanyu and managed to “separate”,gain independence [Ban Gu, ch. 94b, p. 1128, f. 1b]. The Chen Tan Biography in “Han History" spells that in 49 BC the Chjichji shanyu, a leader of the northern Sünnu, took control of the Sünnu western territories, and then, mindful of Han and southern Hunnu intervention, “defeated at once three states in the west, Hutsze, Tszyankun and Dinlin" [Ban Gu, ch. 70, p. 6 a-a].
The geographical pointers of these messages can only be understood in a case if a mistake was made in the text of the annals, and instead of the “western territories" should be understood the “eastern territories" in the Inner Mongolia. Only from the Inner Mongolia Chjichji shanyu could defeat “in the west" the Minusinsk “Tszyankun" Kirgizes, the Baikal Dinlins and, as wrote one of the ancient commentators, “a small Sünnu Hutsze state in north”.Therefore, the Description of Sünnu of the same chronicle says: “In the north he attacked Utsze. [The ruler of the state] Utsze submitted. With the forces of his army he defeated in the west Tszyankun, and in the north subdued Dinlin. Tszyankun was 7 thousand li west from the shanyu court" [Ban Gu, ch. 94b, p. 1130, f. 5 а-b]. The transcriptions Hutsze and Utsze (< uo-g'iat/kiat) are of the same order, they reflect the original ethnonym Uokil/*Uogil. Dinlins, near whom Uokils lived in the Baikal area, were possessors of “high wagons" Gaoche (Khocha, Tochars) [Li Yanshou Ch. 98, p. 1312, f. 23а]. It can be assumed that Uokils in the Baikal area also belonged to Gaoche (Khocha, Tochars).
The traces of ethnonym Uokil are found in the East Mongolia and Manchuria territories during Syanbi, ancient Türkic, and Mongolian time. Far in the west, between the Danube Bulgars of the eighth century, the Uokil (Vokil) clan was one of the dynastic clans, whose ancestors “ruled on that side of Danube for 515 years with shaved heads" [Josef Benzing, 1986, p. 15-16]. On the Central Asian soil the ethnonym Uokil/Vokil/Augal probably left its trace in a name of the legion leader as forty Vekil in the Oguz epos “Kitab-i dedem Korkut”.
That is the ambient ethnography of the early Yantsai /Abzoya. It is known now about the Yantsai state that the main section of the East - West Trade Road crossed Yantsai territory, the Yantsai section was called Sogdian road, and after reaching Volga - Ra the road branched in three directions: to the south to the S. Caucasus, to the west to the European countries, and to the north to the Kama area. In the Middle Asia, the last transit point on this road was Yantsai city of Hvara/Hvarana in the Syr-Darya estuary, called a Sogdian city in Chinese. Far in the east, at the source of the Trade Road, also existed a city of Hvarana and a Scythian tribe Hvarana. Supposedly, Hvarana was at some time a “royal" tribe of the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) (Ases), which fell into the Sünnu political sphere of influence, and received a political designation “Sünnu”.A significant part of them migrated to the Middle Asia, including the Aral Sea coasts. This capitulation is needed to understand the chronologically latest information in the Chinese annals about the Yantsai state.
In reconstruction of the text, lost in antiquity, of the Wei Show “History of Toba-Wei, 338-534”,the paragraph in the “History of Northern dynasties" about the Suté (siuk-d'ək) state with latest information about the Yantsai state was used almost without changes. “The Suté (Sogdak) state is west from Tsunlin (Pamir), in antiquity it was called Yantsai, its another name was Wennasha. They live near a large lake/bog northwest from Kangju, 16 thousand li from Dai (capital of Toba-Wei, modern Datong). During the former times Sünnu killed their king, and took hold of their state. By the time of the king Huni, three generations have already passed (or: king Huni was already a third generation) after that event. Before, merchants from that country came in multitude [to the Northern state] Lian (397-460) to trade goods. When Wei dynasty (338-534) has overcame Gutszan (Kochan, capital of Northern Lian, 439) they all were captured. In the beginning of the Wen-chen period (452, “Wei shu": “In the beginning of the emperor Gao-tszun rule, 432-465”)Suté king sent an envoy requesting their ransom, which was granted by a decree. After that, no embassies with gifts came. In the fourth year of the of Bao-din period (564), during Chjou dynasty (557-581), their king sent an embassy with a tribute of objects of local manufacture" [Li Yanshou, ch. 97, p. 1293, f. 16а, Wei Show, ch. 102, p. 1319, f. 15а].
The first lines of the text that Suté (Sogd in the basins of the rivers Zeravshan and Kashkadarya) and Yantsai (Aral area) are the same caused a bewilderment and resolute rejection by the traditional Chinese commentators and some modern researchers [Tszyan Botszan, et al. Lidai..., I, p. 651, Enoki, 1956, p. 46-47]. The matter is, located on the Sogdian caravan road and inhabited by Sogdian traders and craftsmen, the city Hvarana was also [called] Sogd and Sogdak, just as Sogdak (modern Suzak) was the name for the Sogdian trading town in Crimea, the Sogdian city-dwelling population of the Jeti-su was Sogdak, six districts - chjou (Ch. lu hu chjou, Türkic, alty chub Sogdak) right in the beginning of the 8th century in the the land of the Sogdian colonies in Southern Ordos were called Sogdak Northern Shaanxi. The compiler of the “History of Northern dynasties" Li Yanshou could not take into account this fact, because he know only the Sogd with a center in Samarkand, but he still documented the Yantsai description.
Contradiction in identification of two different states alerted Linghu Defen, the compiler of “Chjou History" who, repeating in a short footnote the identification made by Li Yanshou, wisely added to it a delicate “maybe": “Suté State is located west from Tsunlin (Pamir), maybe, it is Antsai (sic!) of antiquity, its another name is Wennasha. The center is near a large lake/bog (Ch. tsze), located northwest from Kangju. In the fourth year of the Bao-din period, their king sent an embassy to present objects of local manufacture" [Linghu Defen, ch. 50, p. 431, f. 15а]. O.Maenchen-Helfen generally rated the text of “Chjou History" closest to the original, which in his opinion was the work of Kan In “Shi-san chjou chji" (Description of thirteen districts, ca. 430), which compiled direct questionnaires from the merchants and envoys from Central Asia [Haloun, 1937, p. 275-277, Maenchen-Helfen, 1945, p. 229].
Whether O.Maenchen-Helfen is right or not, the text of the “History of Northern dynasties" in that part is a record of a direct oral historical tradition, and it would be senseless to rely on the chronological coordinates given there ("three generations”)without a point of time reference.
The “other name"of the Wennasha country is not any more mentioned anywhere. The versions of its reconstruction, to some extent based on liberal reading of the transcription Yantsai (Ephthal, Ephthalite-Khionite), are speculative and cannot be considered satisfactory. Only the remark of Siratori, that the first hieroglyph in the compound Wennasha (Wen) is a proper name [Shiratori, 1928, p. 98] could be productive. It was supported by H. V.Haussig, who noted that in accordance with the “Tang History”,the leaders of “nine Arsi tribes" (Ancient Turkic Tokuz Ersen) descended from the clan Wen, and were the heads of eight city-states in Sogdiana [Haussig, 1953, p. 415-418]. In that part the quixotic construction of Haussig about “nine Arsi tribes" can be ignored, because such tribes never existed.
The ancient Türkic word ersen ascends to the to old Indian rasayana “spring”.The combination Tokuz ersen ("Nine springs”)is a name of an area, an end point of the ancient Türkic campaigns in the south, and in the first half the 8th century (”... I went with armies south down to Nine springs" - KTm, 3), and a calque of the Chinese name for the extensive territory of modern autonomous province of the Inner Mongolia on the left bank of the northern bend of Huang He, Tszu-yuan ("Nine springs”). It is thought that the name Arsi people, ostensibly found in the Eastern Turkestan documents, also never existed [Tarn, 1951, p. 284].
In the same chronicle, Li Yanshou defines the surname/clan Wen as a part of the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) tribe: “King (of the state Kang) [comes] from the surname/clan Wen, he is an Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi). Before, they lived north from Tsilyan (Qilian) mountains in the city of Chjao'u. When they were defeated by Sünnu, they crossed the Tsunlin (Pamir) in the west, and took hold of that country" [Li Yanshou, ch. 97, p. 1298, f. 25b]. This version is repeated in the works of Wei Show, Wei Chjen, Lü Süi and other authors [Wei Show, ch. 102, p. 1325, f. 26b, Wei Chjen, ch. 83, p. 826, f. 8а, Lü Süi, ch. 198, p. 1483, f. 13b]. It reflects a known scheme of Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) migration to the west after the murder of their leader by the army of the Sünnu Laoshan-shanyu in the second century BC. Its variation is reproduced in above mentioned lines about Abzoy's Sogdak in the Aral area: “During erstwhile times, Sünnu killed their king, and took hold of his state. King Huni was already a third generation after that event”.Following precisely the internal logic of the text, the count should start approximately from 164 BC (murder of the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) leader) and according to it should resolve the problem of the real proto-type of the transcriptional hieroglyph Wen (<*uən). The phonetic laws discussed above lead to the Scythian and Avestan word hvar “sun”.In the same key is reconstructed the name of the cited above mythological, Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) by descent, king Huni (< khuət-neh < hvarnah), Hvarna/Hvarana as an emanation of the Sun and divine fire, a giver of divine nimbus of the kings [Toporov, 1992, p. 557-558, Litvinsky, 1968, p. 48-49, Akishev, 1984, p. 37-38].
K.Siratori's opinion that the hieroglyph wen reflected proper name is fair only in relation to the clan affiliation of the Wen/*Hvar Sogdiana ruler in Samarkand. This surname really existed among Uechji(Pin. Yuezhi) in the Han time [Wei Chjen, ch. 83, p. 826, f. 8а, Tszyan Botszan, et al. Lidai..., I, p. 382], it was a reigning family. The same hieroglyph is used as the first sign in the transcription of the compound Ven-na-sha and, hence, reflected the same initial “Sogdian" phonetics *Hvar. Judging by the above material about the Hvarana (Hvarəna) city and tribe, it is not separable from the following hieroglyph na, and together they create a transcription for the word Hvarna/Hvarəna. With the word representing the name of the country or its capital city, the final sign sha is confidently accepted as an incomplete transcription of the Persian shahr “country”,"city”,i.e. a full “alternate" name of the Abzoya was Hvarna-shahr.
The eastern connections of Yantsai/Abzoya allows to specifically present the timing of Asii or Ases (Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)) penetration, and of their “royal" solar clan Hvarana, into the Aral area. It can be followed further on. In the 576 a Byzantian embassy was sent to the western Türks, to conclude a military alliance against Persia. It traveled by the northern route. Crossing Itil and Yaik, on the northern coast of Aral they came to the possessions of a queen Akagas, whose reign was awarded by Anagai, a king of the Utigurs [Chavannes, 1903, p. 240]. The king Anagai was known to the Chinese under a name Anaguai. He was a Kagan-emperor of the huge Avar confederation that terrified peoples from Manchuria to the Cimmerian Bosporus, but fell from the blows of the Türks. Anagai committed suicide in the 552. As a supreme ruler of a large number of subjugated tribes, he was a guarantor in preservation of the existing order within the controlled areas, and his “appointments" formalized the existing status. The territory of the Utigurs, alongside with the Aorses in the Aral area, was just one of such territories, which name under a pen of a Byzantian writer was transformed into a name of the queen Akagas.
The Utigurs of this message (J. R. Hamilton identifies this name with the name of a tribe Utiger in the Rashid ad-Din list of nine Uigur tribes) [Hamilton, 1962, p. 35, 38, 42] are mentioned by Pliny (VI, 39) as the Uti tribe, associated with Aorses. E. Pulleyblank identifies Uties as Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) tribe [Puleyblank, 1966, p. 18]. There are parallel records about Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)/Uti far in the east, in the basin of the Edzin-gol.
The first message about them narrates that in the 413 the ruler of the Northern Lian state, after leaving Tyaotyao district, sent a ten-thousand army against barbarous pastures of Bihe and Uti [Fan Süanlin, ch.. 129, p. 852, f. 5а]. The second military campaign against Uti took place in three years, it was connected with sacrifice on the Golden mountain Tszinshan and in a temple of the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)Queen-mother of the West Si-van-mu, and on the way to which the Lian army had to pass the Western sea Sihai and Salty lake Yanchi. In the temple was an image of goddess Si-van-mu made of a black stone. Mensun ordered to write an ode and carve its text on a rock [Ibid, p. 853, f. 6а]. The basin of the Edzin-gol was Tszüyian-Eshi (*Kuyan-Aksa) area. Ptolemy (VI, 15, 3) placed the Scythian area Akasa immediately next to the solar Scythians Hvarans. We repeat, the features of the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) queen goddess are similar with the Asia Minor image of the goddesses Great Mother Cybele, shaped as a silver statue with a face carved from rough black stone, and placed in a sacred wagon near a pond [Frezer, 1983, p. 330].
Details about eastern Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)-Uti, Akasa area and queen-mother allows to fill with specific contents the image of Scythian Uti (Utigur) queen in the Northern Aral area. The names of the eastern and Aral areas Akasa/Akas/Akagas go back to the Scythian word akas “undamaged”,"whole" [Abaev, 1979, p. 277]. The existence of two areas, Hvarana ("Solar" и “king's”,in the Southeastern and Eastern Aral area) and Akas ("Lunar" and “queen's”,in the Northern Aral area) was to a certain extent inherited from Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) of the East, but doubtlessly it was fed by a local Sarmatian gynocratic environment. The dualism of cosmogenic ideas was parallel to the duality of the Yantsai society and “solar-lunar" dynastic co-rule in the state. This is why in the Book 6 of the Ptolemy “Geography" the Asman tribe is placed on the lands east from the river Ra (Volga).
The above material, a significant part of which is brought to light for the first time, unconditionally testifies that Yantsai/Abzoya was not a marginal remote area, but a large and fully fledged state type confederation in the territory of the modern Kazakhstan.
The Chinese record of the Kypchak historical-genealogical legend is found in the text of a monument to the Kypchak military leader Tutuha from the clan Üilibeili, compiled by Üi Tszi (1272-1348), and included in the “Yuan wen lei" collection [Su Tyantszue, ch. 26, p. 329], in the Yan Fu work [Ch. 3, f. 17а], and in dynastic history “Yuan shi" [Sun Lian, ch. 128, p. 1486, f. 14а]. It was repeatedly reproduced in compositions of the later Chinese authors [Ke Shaomin, ch. 29, f. 506-516], it is also known in English [Bretschneider, 1888], German [Marquart, 1914], French [Pelliot, 1920, Pelliot, Hambis, 1951] and Russian [Kychanov, 1963, Kadyrbaev, 1982] translations. Its interpretation are in the Chinese and European historiography. The time of its recording is not earlier than the first half of the 14th century. More than a century-old tradition of its study brought results of variable importance.
Without a doubt was only established that the primary action scene of the text heroes was Djeiran valley (Ch. Chjelyan-chuan, Mong. Djeren-ke'er) north from the Loha-muren river in the Inner Mongolia, and the end point of Tsincha-Kypchak migration was interfluvial of Volga (Itil) and Ural (Yaik). Also, was made a number of successful terminological reconstructions.
However, the mnemonic in the character material of that short legend in its mythological part is considerably the richer. It is suitable for decoding, and it appears it can form a basis for several significant conclusions. The text is cited from the version of Üi Tszi.
"The ancestors of Kypchaks (tsincha < kymchat ~ kybchat, Mong. pl. of kybchak) were the tribes (or: was a tribe) in the Djeiran valley in Andahan mountains north from Upin. later they moved northwest to the Uilibeili mountains and settled there. The climate there is severe, people are courageous, and skilful in war art. From the times [of their ancestor] Kunan (Ch. Tsuinyan) the inhabitants of that country were called Kypchaks, and he was their ruler. Kunan bore Somona. Somona bore Inasy (maybe: Inən < Ynan)... Inasy became old and could not rule the country any more. In the year Dyn-yu (1237) the son of Inasy, Hulusy-man, came to submit to Taitszun (i.e. Ugedei)... “
The transcriptional identification of S15408, 3891 Andahan mountains corresponds to the Altahan (< Mong.-Khalh. alta, Mong.-writtem. altan “gold”). The propriety of reconstruction anda < alta is confirmed, in particular, by the case of use of that transcription to render the name of Tumet Alta-khan (Altan-khan) (1567-1582) in the Mongolian and Chinese annals respectively [Shastina, 1957, p. 191, Chjan Tinyui, ch. 17, p. 141, f. 36, Pokotilov, 1893, p. 150]. The name of Altahan mountains is recorded in the Mongolian annals. According to one of the versions in the “Altan-tobchi”,the remains of Chingiz were buried in the Great Utuk behind Altahan mountains, on a southern slope of Kentei-khan mountains.
In the views of the early Mongols, Altahan (Alta-kan) mountains were compared with high and warm female breast. The same annals quote the words of Korulat Tsebden, who unsuccessfully married his daughter Alta-khan (Altahan?) to the Mongolian Taisun-khan: ”... Before, the back of Altahan mountains was warm, why now it became cold? The breast of my daughter Alta-khan before was cold, why now it became warm? “[Gomboev, 1858, p. 148, 164, 174]. Probably, the Mongolian designation of Golden mountains ascends to the Türkic name of the mountains Altunkan/khan (Altunhan?), where happened a meeting of Black prince Shu's troops with soldiers of the Zu-l-Karnein (Alexander Macedonian - Translator's Notes) [Kashgari Mahmud, 1, p. 117, Ancient Türkic Dictionary, p. 40]. Their Chinese parallel was С583, 10702 Tszinwei “golden”,"gilded”.In the 1st century AD beyond the Tszinwei mountains was Urpen area (Ch. С12711, 10523 Üeban < iwat-pan), where was the court of the northern Sünnu Shanuy (see below). An echo of that can be found in the Kypchaks living near the Altyndy-tau mountain in the Kazakh epos [Koblandy-batyr, 1975, p. 149, 151, 155, 310, 312, 316, etc.].
Other key point of the legend is the Upin area. Its full historical-geographical characteristics is given in the description of the Mongol Kartsin (Harachin) aimak territories in the “Mengu umu tszi" composition. During Hou-Han dynasty (25-220) it was a land of Syanbi, during Tszin dynasty (265-420) Muzhun tribes, during Yuan-Wei (384-532) it was owned by Kumo-si, during Tang dynasty (618-907) by Jaole-dudufu, in the 1007 there was established district Da-din of Chjun-tsing province, renamed in the 1270 to Upin province, in 1287 it again was called Da-din [Men-gu-u-mu-tszi, 1895, p. 12, 196]. The district Upin was on both banks of the Loha-muren (Laoha-he) river, and the ruins of the city Upin survived in the Botatszy district [Pelliot, Hambis, 1951, p. 96].
The Altahan mountains are Big Khingan north from Loha-muren, the right tributary of the river Shar-muren (Huan-shui). In the east from the Great Khingan is a valley of nowadays drainless Dzeren river [Murzaev, 1955, p. 156], the Djeren ke'er of the above legend. Thus, are determined the southern, eastern, and western limits of Kypchaks in the Inner Mongolia.
In respect to the Gold (~Golden) mountains in this part of Asia, Van Govej has come to a conclusion that Great Hingan's other traditional designations were Tszin-shan (Golden mountains) and Kara'un-chidun (Black cart) [Van Govej, 1959, III, p. 725-730]. Under the year 1288 it is stated that Kypchak leader Tutuha [Pelliot, Hambis, 1951: tutγaq “mounted night patrol”;Golden, 1986-1987, p. 8-7: toqtaq], returning from a raid, approached the Kara un, crossed the river Guiler, defeated a mutinous prince Katanu and, completely capturing the tribes Liao-Kidanes, established tumen seat Dun-lu (East province) [Sun Lyan, ch. 128, p. 1487, f. 166]. Djeren-ke'er belongs to this province [Sun Lyan, ch. 100, p. 1250, f. 3 a].
With a known phonetic transposition n/y (y like in York - Translator's Note)(for example, *hanaγ~ayaγ “honour”;aniγ~ayiγ “bad, awful”;qanu~qayu “what?”,-qina-qiya denuminative affix; and also in the initial and final positions: Yama~Nama a name of a god; yemek~nemek a name of a tribe; qon~qoi “sheep”;qitan~qitai a name of people) [see also: Gabain, 1950, p. 53; Bazin, 1950, p. 289-290], the name of the mythical pra-genitor Kunan correspondsto Kuian, an ethno-toponym of the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)-"Tocharian" origin with a meaning “white (downpour/stream, Milky Way)”.The Chinese translation of this term was С2658, 2690 bai-si “white torrent" or simply si “torrent/stream”.In ancient Türkic time the tribe or tribes with such Chinese designation existed on the eastern slopes of Great Hingan along all its extent from the Loha-muren to the northern spurs. In this region the tribes С2690 Hi and С8497 Si (< yiei < haj~qaj) lived commingled, and that found a reflection in the written sources. They were designated: С8497 Hi (Kai) - С2690 Si ("downpour”)[Tsen Chünmian, 1958, p. 612; E Lun-li, 1979, p. 313; Men-gu-u-mu-tszi, 1895, p. 194].
The area Da-din of the Chjun-jing province was already discussed above. “The district of Da-din (on the southern bank of the Shara-muren river), says the chronicler, are former lands of a tribe Baj-si “[Toto, ch. 39, p. 182, f. 1b]. In another place of the same work he informs: “С8497 Hi - С2690 Hi is a name of the state on the Chjun-jing lands" [Toto, ch. 116, p. 514, f. 12а]. The state Hese (Kai + “downpour”)the Türks call Dad-pyi, says Uiguro-Tibetan official report of the 9th century [Bacot, 1956, p. 145]. The reference to Tatabi nation also belongs to this area (compare Iran. *tata api, Avestatata aro “falling waters”)in Large ancient Türkic inscriptions of Northern Mongolia [Ancient Türkic Dictionary, p. 541]. With reference to this area and Si ("stream”)+Hi (Kai) confederation, as evidence of the connection with Tochars-Kocha can be viewed its designation С4304, 13770 kuchjen (< k'uo-tsien < *kuchin; compare kuchinne “Kuchanian" in the bilingual Türkic-Tocharian text) [Winter, 1963, p. 249] in the etnonymic combination Kuchjen-Hi (< *kuchin-hai). According to the New edition of the “History of Tang dynasty" it becomes known since the time of the Yuan-Wei dynasty (386-534) and existed till the Sui epoch (581-618). In relation to them, is applicable the definition found in the same text “possession of two barbarians”,also called Kumo-Si [Ouyan Sü, ch. 219, p. 1538, f. 4 b; Taskin, 1984, p. 148, 369]. The first part of this binomial С4304, 8428 Kumo (< k'uo-mak < qumaq ~qumaγ) is perceived as a calque of the Turkic qum “sand”,"desert”,recorded in the folk etymology of the term Kuman, preserved in Rus annals: “Cumans called Polovetses come from desert”.The Mongol-lingual populace of the Great Hingan also knew that, and had appeared its Mongolian calque qumaγ. But in this case, this word does not have a meaning.
The above polyglot material is brought by the objective necessity to reflect that in antiquity and Middle Ages this region was a zone of active ethno-linguistic interchange, and historically sequential transformation of ethnic masses (Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)-"Tocharian”,and Iranian - Turkic - Mongolian). In the process, the main elements of the former cosmogenic beliefs were changing, handed down, and sometimes preserved a part of the previous contents and its lexical expressions.
The term kuyan was one of the main cosmogonic symbols of gynocratic seven-tribe Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)-"Tochars”,who were worshipping a Moon deity. Kuyan was the queen surname of the Sünnu and Syanbi. Hionites-Ephthalites were called “White”.The tutuk commanderies, which alongside with other Türkic-Oguz tribes controlled “high" Edizes, were called Khuyan, and Edizes, who became a queen (katun) tribe in the First and Second Turkic Kaganates, lived in a valley of the mountain river Khuyan (Ch. Khuyan-gu). After accepting Manichaeism in the first quarter of the 7th century, they received new names Ashtak, Shir and Arslan. Kuyan (~kuyin) was the name of the “White Tatars “of the East Mongolia in the 12th-13th centuries. Kiyan (~kyian, Mong.pl. kyiat) became a name of the royal clan in the Mongol state.
Recording foreign ethnonyms or important concept, the ancient Chinese bureaucrats tried to follow to a possible extent the Confucius principle of accordance of the name with its meaning. To transmit the sound of a foreign word were selected hieroglyphs which would contain information about the people or a concept, though it could have no relation to the specific meaning of the transcribed word. One version of the Chinese record of this term was С5055, 15095 heiun (< γa-yiwon < *γaiun-gaiun) for “Milky Way”.So was called the Yueban district between the possessions of the northern Sünnu shanyu in the end 1st century AD. The term С12711, 10523 Yueban (<ywat-pan) corresponds with the name of Ürpän/Ürpün district in the Bilge-Kagan epitaph (line 26) [Bernshtam, 1940, p. 76], and with the Chinese record of the ethnonym С3046, 10769 emyan (< iet-mien < *ermen~örmen?) in the Irtysh headwaters in the 7th century [Shiratori. 1902, p. 131-133], compared with the name of Urbün district near the river Chaa-hol, a left tributary of Ulug-Hema.
The message about the fifth century Üeban country says that they were the tribes that before were controlled by the northern shanyu. Under attacks of the Han’s general Dow Syan troops, chariots and cavalry, the shanyu crossed Tszinwei mountains and fled west to the Kangju. Üeban language and customs are Tocharian-Kocha (Ch. gaoche < kau-tsia < kocha, Khocha was the endoethnonym of Western Tocharian language speakers). They shave their heads bare, and trim eyebrows, they wash three times day, and only then eat their food. Their magicians could cause downpours, floods, and strong burans(snow storms - Translator's Notes) [Li Yanshou, ch. 97, p. 1292-1293, f. 14 b-15 а].
The so-called “northern" Sünnu (i.e. the Sünnu who did not accept vassalage of the Han state, located to the south of them) were east from the central lands of the Sünnu. A military campaign against them, headed by the Han’s commander and courtier Dow Syan (?-97) and a military leader Gen Kui, ended in 91. Numerous skirmishes in different places lasted for three years, and Fan E could not connect isolated reports in a compressed and logically organized consistent annalistic story about the war. The author of the “History of Late Han dynasty, 25-220" lived and worked in the 5th century, more than three centuries after the events. This brings about completely different conclusions about their place and significance in the works of modern researchers [for example: Franke, 1936-1937, p. 300-301; Matsuda, 1955, p. 17-19; Bernshtam, 1951, p. 110; Malyavkin, 1989, p. 124-127]. Does not raise objections the (exaggeratedly enthusiastic) conclusion of Fan E: “Dow Syan and Gen Kui were ordered into campaign, and acting cunningly and making astounding plans, they joined, and, taking different roads, surprisingly attacked the den of the shanyu. They pursued the routed and fleeing for more than three thousand li, they crushed their dragon den, burnt their felt yurts, buried alive ten horns (i.e. ten upper nobles), shackled the hands of queen-echji... And with victorious shouts they returned. The horrified shanyu slipped on felt clothes, and afraid to breathe, fled to the Usun lands" [Fan E, ch. 89, p. 1341, f. 366; Taskin, 1973, p. 98].
The "History of Northern dynasties" says that the significant part of Üeban people continued migration to the west from the area of modern Tuva to “Kangju”.Traces of this western part of the Üeban people is found in both editions of the "History of Tang dynasty": “The Tutuk commandery Üeban was established in the capital of the Shihanna (Chagani an) state in the "beautiful/rich" city of Yan (< yam) ruled by their king (wan). Separating as usual their tribe, was established a district Shuanmi (literally: “beautiful twins") [Lü Süy, ch. 40, p. 454, f. 40, compare Ouyan Sü, ch. 43b, p. 301, f. 40]. Chaganian (Saganian) was in the valley of the river Surhan (tributary of Pyandj), its center was approximately in the place of the modern Denau, 4-days trip from Termez [Bartold, 1963, p. 122-123]. Possibly, this western-most part of Urpens/Ubens is mentioned under a name Urva in the geographical part of the "Vendidad" (unless it is a late insert): “The eighth country is Urva, rich with meadows, a scourge of the country is their malicious rulers" [Braginsky, 1972, p. 49]. In the Chinese historiography, Shuanmi was a name of one of the provinces of Great Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)-"Tochars" in Middle Asia in the second half of the 2nd century BC [Ban Gu, ch. 96а, p. 1163, f. 15а]. In this case more important is not the fact if the Urpenian Shuanmi coincides geographically with the ancient Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi), but the connection of Urpens with the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)-"Tochars”.This allows to established three stages of Urpen migration: Khingan, Tuva and Middle Asian.
The main points of this east Tocharian-Kocha areas are also located: Tszinwei - Big Hingan to the north of the Shara-muren and the locality Kuyan - “Milky Way" (Heiun), which are repeating the conceptual, lexical and mythological aspects of the historical-mythological material of the legends, but precede them in time by more than a millennium. Thus, are established its ancient name (Urpen) and a custom of the population to completely shave their heads.
This custom is known between many peoples of antiquity. Herodotus (IV, 23-24) wrote about “bold-headness" of seven-tribe Argippeians. “White-headed”,i.e. with completely shaven heads were the seven-tribe Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)-"Tochars”."Shaved hair on their heads the “seven-tribe Ephtalites or “White Huns" ("It is a tribe of Great Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi); it is said that they are a branch of Gaoche-Kocha”)[Li Yanshow, ch. 97, p. 1297, f. 23а]. In many cases “"bold-headness" was equivalent to Moon-headness. In the Persian legends, “Shahname" Taz (Türkic taz “bald”)was an ancestor of Kabul king-crescent Mehrab [Firdousi, I, p. 625].
The Bashkir fairy tale “Alpamysh and Barsyn-Hyluu”,probably an oldest Turkic version of the legend about Alpamysh, he was bald (Turkic taz), and had an image of a golden crescent on his occiput [Jirmunsky, 1974, p. 170]. A bold tribe existed among the Kypchaks of the Black Sea Coast. On the occiputs of some Kypchak stone sculptures were depicted scissors [Pletneva, 1958, p. 205; 1974, p. 41; Fedorov-Davydov, 1966, p. 178]. Notably, the Atabai subdivision of the Turkmen Tazes has tamga as sand-kalp “scissors handle" scissors [Karpov, 1929]. A Taz subdivision exists among Kyrgyz Kypchaks [Abramzon, 1971, p. 44, 46-47]. The Kirghiz epos “Manas" says that at the Djakyp toya (toya? - Translator's Note)from Kypchaks was eloquent Taz, ”... Kypchak-tardan Taz chechen" [Manas, 1984, p. 54, line 1089]. The terms “Taz" and “Kashka" defined a place of their bearers in the system of spiritual coordinates (reverence of the Moon deity) and had no relation to their appearance. In the Uzbekistan Fergana valley lived tribes Jeti-Kashka ("seven bald”)and Taz ("bald”). “Itti kashka" ("seven bald”)was a name of a Uzbek's Kypchak clan in the Namangan province [Shaniyazov, 1974, p. 44, 46].
The 14th century composition "Madjmu at-Tavarih" among other heroes has sons of a Kypchak Ak-Timur. They were called Jeti-Kashka. A belief even existed that in the very beginning this tribe ruled all Kyrgyzes [Abramzon, 1971, p. 46-47]. In many mythologies of the world the "magic" number seven was a most popular number. Its image is based on its interrelation with the seven-day phases of the Moon. The mythological symbols of the rising moon (crescent) also were a rib, an eyebrow and a bow. In the Oguz epos "Book of my grandfather Korkut", the Kypchaks are not mentioned. It has only a bogatyr Kypchak with an iron bow [Korogly, 1976, p. 270]. The Arab writer al-Omari names the Egypt's Kypchaks the moons of the ruler's retinues [Tizengauzen, 1884, p. 232].
The Milky Way could also be associated with White Tree of Life. In the Yakut fairy tale "Bosko", a handicapped youth, lonely and banished (a moon in the last quarter, crescent), addresses the Lady of the White Tree with a plea for rescue and revival. The branches chugged, and a life-giving rain, white as a milk, began to pour on the young man. A woman stepped out of the tree, and offered the young man to drink some milk from her breast. After he drunk the milk, Ürün-uolan found new strength [Potanin, 1893, p. 933-934, Gorokhov, 1885, p. 43].
Only in this key receives an explanation not understood till now the myth narrated by Rashid ad-Din and Abu-l-Gazi. During one of the campaigns of mythical Oguz-khan, time came to give birth by a woman whose husband had died. She went into a hollow in a tree, and gave birth to a boy who was given a name Kypchak [Rashid ad-Din, 1952, p. 84; Kononov, 1958, p. 43]. The hollow in the Tree of Life is a Milky Way fork, where ostensibly is born a new moon.
The sacred shaman tree of the Yakuts, Khakases, etc. were called tor/tur. Many peoples held this tree as a road, a path, it was a symbol of connection between the world of a man with the world of the gods. In the form to turu/toro it was known to Tunguses and meant a way by which the shaman and his prayers rise to the sky [Shternberg, 1936, p. 123]. The Yellow Uigurs designated with this word (tyr) the shaman tree and the Milky Way [Malov, 1912, p. 128; Abramzon, 1978, p. 23]. In the Turkic antiquity clearly was a deity of childbearing Torlug, mentioned in the “Secret legend of Mongols" (para. 189-190) in connection with a birth Naiman Tayan-khan from a feeble old man and a young wife. In rallying call for the Kokotai funeral feast in the Kirghiz epos “Manas”,ch.Ch.Valihanov recorded the name Ak-tor (White Way, Milky Way) for a mythical ancestor of Kypchaks: ”... To the son of bald (taz) Aktor, to the brave Urbe, go, to Urbe who, being alone, achieved riches and strength... Batyr Urbe by nickname, and by name Munku (compare Mong. müngü “silver”,"white”)let him come personally! “[Valihanov, 1985, p. 97].
In the papers prepared by Musa Chormanov for his nephew Chokan Valihanov, in the 1880 G.N.Potanin found a vast family tree, according to which a mythical ancestor of the Kazakh Middle Horde was Ak-jol, Kypchak is his senior son with tamga in a form of a column [Potanin, 1893, p. 14-15]. The Kazakh heroic epos sings about this tamga:They were famous among people.
In 581 in the Kaganate began the infighting caused by attempt to dislodge the traditional Katun fraction from participation in government. This conflict is known as “Abo (Dalobyan) revolt”.The beginning of the Turkic mythical story about it in the Chinese record of that time reads: “It was still before the Aboi mutiny, in the beginning of Kai-huan period (581-600). Once a few dozen leaders, pursuing a hare, came to a mountain. On the mountain was a deer... “[Li Fan, 1959, ch. 139, p. 1004]. Here in one implied Turkic term kuyan are combined the image of a Katun Hare-Moon fraction, and the Milky Way. In the 7th century among the Türks was ian idea about the Milky Way (Stream) Kuyan as a Mountain stream descending to the lowland. It is completely identical to what subsequently wrote Rashid ad- Din about the meaning of the word kiyan (see above p. 68), and it was reflected in the name of the Katun Ashtaks residence “Valley of the mountain river Kuyan" (Ch. Kuyan-Gu) [Van Pu, ch. 72, p. 1307; Zuev, 1960, p. 97, 114]. Till relatively recent time preserved the memory about the Milky Way - Tree of Life, in a fork (hollow) of which was born the Moon-Hare. Near the corrals in the Turkic settlements in Sayano-Altai was often installed a birch post with a fork, over which was stretched a hare pelt. It stood for years, though the real meaning of this traditional symbol could have already been lost for a long time. Altai Teleuts used to install near their home a pole, with a hare pelt hung it. When it decayed, it was replaced with a new one. The baby cradle of the legendary Tuba-kiji's bogatyr (~crescent) Shokshil-Mergen was in the branches of the sacred silver tree Bai-Terek. At a will of the white lord Ak-khan (Milky Way) the hero of the legend at times leaves his lord, at times comes back to him [Baskakov, 1965, p. 73-103]. “A white spirit in an image of a hare (Moon) was a female ongon at the Kachins, its lekan (?) was suspended from branches of a white birch on river islands, or near rivers in front of ulus entry [Zelenin, 1936, p. 27-41]. The shaman prayers to the white inhabitant of heaven Ak-Tos said:(performing spiritual ritual - Translator's Note) in a female fur cap [Potapov, 1969, p. 28-29].
... All this material shows that the Kypchak “column" tamga is a tamga image of the Tree of Life - Milky Way, in a bosom (in a branch) of which arises a new moon. But the tree which gives birth can only be a woman, and without a man a conception of new life is impossible. Therefore near the tree of a feminine gender (as a rule, a white birch) appears a man-tree (cedar), as for example, was in the imagery of early Ordu-balyk Uigurs in the Northern Mongolia. Accordingly, the Kypchaks' tamga adds one more “column”.M.S.Mukanov and other researchers have noted the common main tamga of the Kypchaks in the Kazakh Middle Juz as a pair of “columns”.Their uran was ay-bas ("lunar head”)[Mukanov, 1974, p. 58 (Vostrov V.V., Mukanov M.S. Clan and tribal structure and migrations of Kazakhs. Alma-Ata, 1968.)].
The name of Kypchak Urbe or Urbü, of the toponyms Urpen and Urmen survived in the nomenclature of the Bashkir ethnonyms: Ürman (compare Ürban), Ürmi (compare Ürbi), Ürmaty (compare Ürbeli). In the Bashkir shedjere, the mythical Ürmi-khan on a hunt tries to shoot a swan, which turns into a gorgeous girl, and from a marriage with her is born his son Ürmaty. In the Western Tabyn genealogical legends their Ürman ancestors come from Mongolia, from the Altai area. The Bashkir clan Urman-Gere (~Ürman~Kerei?) had a clearly Kypchak tamga as a pair of “columns" [Kuzeev, 1973, p. 120-121, 270-271, 332, 369], and this last circumstance directly connects the origin of the name and ethnonym Urman-Gere with the Great Khingan, also called Altai and Eke Altai “Great Altai”.
The reconstruction of real sound in the Chinese rendition of the surname Tuthaka Üyiboli was attempted many times. In the review of J.Marquart's book “Über das Volkstum der Komanen" (Berlin, 1914) P.Peliot supported the reading Yür-beli [Pelliot, 1920, p. 161], but later inclined to a more, in his opinion, probable reading Ülbäri. Polemizing with J. A. Boyle about original sound of the surname of the Kypchak queen of Khoresm Terken-hatun, he came to opinion that in fairly late edition of the Kazvini Persian text “Tarih-i djehan kusha" which J. A. Boyle used in his English translation, was mistake: should be read Ürbälian ("Urbelian”,"Urbelians”), a metathesis variation of the term Ülbäri [Pelliot, Hambis, 1951, p. 108]. The P.Golden's detailed article in search of the original correspondence of the Chinese record Üyiboli argues in favor of its initial sound Ölberli [Golden, 1986-1987, p. 5-29]. Worthy are also the other opinions (S.M.Ahinjanov, B.E.Kumekov). The subject is not a petty academic interest, but establishment of ethnic interrelations of a large spatial and temporal scale.
Chinese records have hieroglyphic variations, but the variations ascend to one base:Urbeli, which P.Pelliot unfairly considered to be a secondary form.
To the eponim Urbü also ascends the message of the Ipatiev annals under the year 1152 about the name of "Kipchaks-Orplüevs". This does not deny the existence of other forms (Ölberli, etc.), derived from the initial Urbü.
Returning to the designations of the Milky Way, onother of them from the Atlantic ocean coast to the east end of the Central Asia is "Straw (hay, chaff, peas and such) Way" or a "Way of the straw thief”.This appellation is found in the folklore of the North Caucasian descendants of the ancient Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi), eastern Iranian Ossets. It says, in particular, about an inhabitant of heaven by the name Arfan (compare Orpen above), who stole straw from another inhabitant of heaven, but in a flight scattered it on the night sphere. The way of his flight was sown with straw. Therefore Ossets call the Milky Way “Arfan Trace" [Abaev, 1958, p. 175].
Turkic main names for the Milky Way are Saman ugrusu “Thief of straw" and Saman yolu “Way of straw”.Uigurs call it Saman-yoli, southern Kazakhs call it Saban joly “Way of straw ”,Uzbeks call itSomon yul , all “Straw Way”.The Milky Way of the Slavic peoples is quite often connected with a mysterious term kum (compare above qum) and “straw": “Kumova slama”,"Kumov way”,"Kum from kuma has stolen straw" and such [Nikonov, 1980, p. 242-263]. To same group should be attributed an annalistic identification “Cumans means Polovetses”.The term Polovets acsends to the old Rus polova“straw”,"chaff”.This is an old Rus adaptation-calque of the word Kuman, acsending to the designation of the Milky Way, but not at all to the yellow color of the straw, as is accepted from the hand of A.Kunik (1854) and survives to this day in science.
The important and challenging Kypchak problem drew a large number of researches. Many valuable and useful facts in resolving specific and general problems of Kypchakology are contained in the monographs of J.Marquart (1914) and S.M.Ahinjanov (1989). A careful analysis of the Turkic lexicon connected with the term Kypchak was made by A.N.Kononov (1976). A new solution to the question of Kypchak origin was offered by S.G.Klyashtorny (1986), who thinks that Kypchaks are identical with the tribe С3962 Se (< siet) of the Se-yanto confederation and homonymous Kaganate (629-647) in the Mongolia territory.
Klyashtorny reconstructs transcription Se in the form Sir, and identifies Sir with the name Sir in the ancient Türkic runiform texts. The term Kypchak, in his opinion, means "unsuccessful", "downrodden", "unlucky". In the eyes of the writer of these lines, each point of this fearless hypothesis requires additional argumentation, more thorough than offered in the article. The runiform spelling assumes reading Shir or Sir. Its Chinese transcription is С8748 shi (< siet < shir) and therefore the first reading is more preferable. There is also its Türkic equivalent Arslan "lion". The Middle Persian term Shir is a religious term, it came to the Türkic society with acceptance of the Manichaean creed by the leaders of some Türkic tribes in the 7-8th centuries (see below, section 2). The Klyashtorny hypothesis should overcome a chronological discrepancy: In the Mogoin Shine Usu inscription, where for the first time was mentioned the term Kybchak, the subject is the events immediately preceding the creation of the Second Uigur Kaganate in the middle of the 8th century, and the Se-yanto Kaganate fell a century earlier, and the Kagan term Se (~Ser!) it is not mentioned anymore anywhere. This material, even partly considered satisfactory, does not support the Klyashtorny hypothesis.
The word qum on the Türkic linguistic soil was already de-semantized (lost its initial semantics - Translator's Note) in the extreme antiquity, it also had no meaning in the Slavic languages. To fill the word qum with a sense, were found more or less homophonic and common words, for example, quma "concubine" (Vasmer notwithstanding - Translator's Note). In the 13th century name Kypchak (Kbdjak) was given to the grandson of Jochi-kasar (brother of Temuchin), born from concubine (kume) [Rashid ad-Din, 1952, vol. 1, book 2, p. 53].
Following the idea of the color semantics of Kypchak, Kumak, and Kumyk, and noting that the basic morpheme of these words is qum, A. H. Kononov wrote: “It can be asserted with significant dose of confidence that ethnonyms Kuman, Kypchak and Kumyk (genetically closely related tribal formations) acsend to to the same root (*qub) and represent various forms of phonetical-morphological development of this root" [Kononov, 1976, p. 109]. D.G.Savinov is leaning towards this idea, in his detailed work are established main stages in the history of Southern Siberia early Kypchaks based on the archeological material [Savinov, 1979, p. 56].
Probably, the solution of the unclear term kum is hidden behind the name of Hom (Haoma) tree of the ancient Iranians. In “Bundahishnu”,a white resurrecting tree Hom grew in the Ardvisur spring of the World sea Frakhvkard (or Vourukasha, Varkash). During the world resurrection from this tree will be prepared a drink of immortality [Chunakova, 1997, p. 120, 289-290, 303]. In the “Avesta" it is a hallucinogenic drink and an elixir of immortality, sometimes personified in the images of deities (for example, it is an embodiment of the order in space and society - Mitra). The most ancient cult Homa/Haoma had been adopted by different religions. Zaratushtra eulogizes it because it gives health, restorative force, knowledge, enthusiasm, ability for defense, power, passion. It was prized by Scythians and Sarmatians. Its trace survived in the Ossetic name for the hops hum-allag (Khum-aellaeg < *hauma-aryaka “aryan hum”)[Toporov, 1992, p. 462-463, 578-579]. Survived the traces of its use by early Türks. A genealogical ancestor of the Kumandy/Kubandy seok in the Altai was Kuman. In the Kumandy/Kubandy language a hop cone is called kumanak (compare Shor kubanak, Altaian kymynak “hops”,Barabian, Sagai, kumpak “hop cone”,"hops”)[Potapov, 1969, p. 59; RSl. II, stlb. 1044, 852, 1035, 1055].
The ancient Indian personification of this cult was the god of the moon Soma. The moon grows as it is filled with immortality drink, and fades as it is drunk by the gods. In “Rigveda" hymns (I, 91, 6) Soma was addressed as "Lord of trees”,it was a World tree [Toporov, 1979, p. 289]. In the myths of ancient China a beauty Chane purloins a drink of immortality from her husband Hunter and flees to the Moon [Yuan Ke, 1987, p. 311].
Analyzing the term Kypchak, is relevant to remember that its standard Chinese transliteration in the 13th century was tsincha (kymchak), and the annalistic name "Kypchak road", which terrestrial coordinates are not yet established, is first of all the Way of Straw, i.e. the Milky Way. Kypchaks (Kumans, Kypchaks) preserved the image of the Milky Way, they were "Milky Way'ans". The existence of theMoon and Milky Way sacral symbols in the Kypchak society can be viewed as a Türkic realization of the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) pantheon.
The term Kypchak was alloethnonym (exoethnonym - Translator's Note), given by their neighbors, reflecting the features of a cult of its bearers. The combination Urbe/Urbü-Kypchak already assumes the existence of others Kypchaks, not Urbelians (compare, for example, typologically similar Türk-Shir and Shir-Qarluγ in section 2).
In 1913 G.Ramstedt published a translation of Eletmish epitaph monument he found in 1909 in the Mogoin Shine Usu depression (valley of the Selenga river), the second Kagan of the Uigur state (747-759) [Ramstedt, 1913, Ramstedt, 1912]. In the fourth line of its eastern side is said that when Eletmish was 25 years old, the Türks-Kybchaks ruled Uigurs for 50 years. And that was in the Türkic state ("when Türks-Kybchaks (Turk Qi'bchaq) dominated us for 50 years in the state of Türks on my twenty sixth year of life... ”). The chronological definition of the historical epoch in both Eletmish inscriptions (lifetime's Terkhin and posthumous Selenga) has a conditional character, a constant trait of all ancient texts. Only a concrete statement about Eletmish age matters. In the Terkhin inscription he informs that he began uprising against Türks at the age of 28 years. And the year of a twelve-year animal cycle (Year of the Snake, 741) is also named, i.e. the exact date of chronological reading is given: “At my 28 years, in the Year of Snake, I brought disorder to the Türkic El, I destroyed it (line 21). So, Eletmish was born in 715/716.
The ruler of the Türkic state these years was Mochjo-Kagan (691-716). С408, 10167 Mochjo (< mək-tiwat < *bektüir? or: mək-tsüer < *beg chor?) is a pre-kagan time title-name of this ruler, under which he was known before the enthronization, during the rule of his predecessor, his senior brother Kutlug (Ch. Gudolu), called Elterish (682-691; it was Elterish the First) in Turkic inscriptions. According to the Old edition of the “History of Tang dynasty”,Mochjo in the 689 headed the Türkic troops in an attack on the northern areas of the Tang state [Lü Süy, ch. 183, p. 1322, f. 136].
During enthronization the Türkic Kagans received a new title-name, but the Chinese annalists, as a rule, to avoid an impression that the subject is another person, preferred to call them by their former name, only occasionally adding to it the actual Kagan throne name. Such throne name of Mochjo was С14035, 8754, , 12466 Sede [li] shi <γiet-d'iet-[lyi]-sie < Elterish. In the message of 712 he is called Ashina Sede [li] shi Mochjo/Elterish Bektur (Beg chor?), of Ashina (clan) [Tsen Chunmian, 1958, p. 376]. After a victory over hostile in relation to the Tang Kidans, in 697 the Chinese empress presented him with a bloated Chinese title, which, however, did not overlook the Türkic word elterish: Te-tszin Sede-lishi Da shanyu li gun bao go kehan “Advanced out of sequence to higher rank Elterish and Great shanyu-Kagan, meritous and grateful by the Tang state [Ouyan Sü, ch. 215а, p. 1503, f. 11а]. In the text of the large stele of the chancellor Tonyukuk he is named Kapagan-Kagan (Tonyukuk, 51), and in the Ongin inscription (line 4) Kapagan Elterish-Kagan (Qapaγan Elteris qaγan elingä qilintim: “I was loyal to state of Kapagan Elterish-Kagan”). This was Elterish the Second.
One more Kagan by the name Elterish was a leader of Basmyls from a clan (a tribe?) Ashnash/Ashinashi (compare the name of the military commander Ashnas at-Türki in the "History" at-Tabari), closely related with the kagan Ashina, and participating in the affairs of the kagan horde-court. On the eve of falling of the Second Türkic Kaganate he, with a support of the Uigur ruler-yabgu and Karluk ruler-yabgu aspired for a role of a founder of the Basmyl Kaganate, a new "gatherer of the El-state”,Elterish, and for a short time he really became that. In the 748 he was raised as a Kagan under a name Hela Pitszya kehan/Alp Bilge-Kagan [Ouyan Sü, ch. 217b, p. 1530, f. 9а]. In the other place of the annals he is called Sedeishi kehan/Elterish-Kagan [Ouyan Sü, ch. 217а, p. 1521, f. 3a]. A modern researcher Tsen Chünmian [1958, p. 639, 1046] calls him Sedeishi hela pitszya kehan/Elterish alp bilge-Kagan, and Se Tszunchjen [1992, p. 582] calls him Hela Sedeishi/alp Elteris. In the 744 he was overthrown by former allies, and fled to Beitin (Beshbalyk), from where, as suggested by Tsen Chünmian [p. 470], in the fourth moon of the fifth year of the Tian-bao period (746) he sent to the Tan court an embassy from the "Basmy lstate" [Van Tsinjo, ch. 971, p. 11412, f. 15b]. He was Elterish the Third.
Of the three Kagans with a title elterish, only Elterish the Second (Mochjo) had a direct relation to the immediate history of the Second Uigur Kaganate.
By the 712-713, the Mochjo empire extended for 10 thousand li from the east to the west, and had a 400-thousand army. All males of the empire, from juvenile to old men, were enlisted as soldiers. Mochjo already could not rule such a monster, moreover, after twenty plus years' rule “he was becoming sillier and ferocious; the tribes mutinied and started seceding”,leaving under Tang protection. A special concern for the kagan court-horde brought the centrifugal inclination of the “nine surnames" Tele (< tegreg) [Hamilton, 1962, p. 25-28] union, i.e. of the Tokuz-Oguzes.
The “root" tribes of the “nine surnames" confederation were not nine, but seven (compare seven Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) tribes), two were considered associated tribes. The compiler of the encyclopedia called “Perused by emperor during Taipin sin-go period, 976-983”,writes: “Their nine surnames are: 1) Hueihe (Uigur); 2) Pugu (Buku); 3) Hun (Hun); 4) Baegu (Baiarku); 5) Tunlo (Tongra); 6) Sytsze (Siker); 7) Tsibiyüi (Kibirgü?). Seven listed tribes [these are “nine surnames”]”.From the time of the beginning of the Tang dynasty (618), the “Histories" read: “8) Atszesy (should be: Abusy); 9) Gulun Ugusy ”."These two surnames became of equal rank with the seven surnames after Tian-bao period “(742-755) [Yue Shi, ch. 199; Van Pu, ch. 98, p. 1744; Tsen Junmian, 1958, p. 714]. The composition of the seven and nine tribes in the Oguz confederation was not static, but the important message of Yue Shi is used in the following discussion.
In the autumn of 715 occurred a Turkic punitive action against the “nine surnames”.The Old edition of the “History of Tang dynasty" reads: “in the autumn Mochjo fought the leader of nine surnames Abusy north from the Desert. Nine surnames were badly defeated. Had died a multitude of people and cattle" [Lü Süy, ch. . 194а, p. 1442, f. 14а]. The New Edition reads: “Mochjo began a war with nine surnames. He fought north from the desert. Multitude of people and cattle have died. Sytsze with others came and submitted [to Tang]. Emperor gave all of them ranks" [Ouyang Xiu , ch. 215b, p. 1504, f. 13а]. They stayed in the area between Lianchjou and Ganzhou (Gansu province, “Gansu corridor”). A detailed discussion of the events during that foggy time is a subject of a separate discourse [for example, see Kamalov, 2001, p. 63-67]. The relations between Oguzes and Tang territorial administration were so opposing that Hushu, an Uigur Khangai commander, after 727 chose to return to the Türks with his people. He died there a natural death, and his son Guli Pejlo became a founder of the Second Uigur Kaganate.
In 1928 15 kms from Choiren station of Dungdo aimak in Mongolia on one of kurgans on the southern slope of Sansar mountain was found a “stone sculpture" with ancient Türkic runiform inscription. V.A.Obruchev called these kurgans a “last colony" of ancient tombs advanced from the north to the Gobi desert [Obruchev, 1895, p. 26]. Translation of the inscription (the monument is now stored in the Central Museum of Mongolia) was made by S.G.Klyashtorny (1980)(I am familiar with Seitkaya translation, 1998, p. 33-38, from a brief note in Album, 2001, p. 167, which only states that O.F.Sertkaya dated the inscription by 687-692) From Elterish-Kagan
 [You] Tun-Bilge,
 You, seven relatives, do not separate!
 I, Ton [yukuk], put in order (created) [the state?]. For my foresight (for of my prediction? For my advice?) houses and cattle corrals for me... "
The full agreement of the main facts of the historical descriptions and this inscription does not leave any doubts that the subject is the events in the autumn of 715, when after a bloody massacre staged by Elterish-Kagan (Mochjo), Oguzes did not see any other options except for secession from the Türkic Kaganate. Despite the imperative tone of the Tonyukuk inscription, they "separated", crossing the desert to the area between Lianchjou and Ganzhou to come under protection of the Tang's "Red River Corps" (Chi-shui tszun).
Personality of Tonyukuk, the author of the Choiren inscription is important. Common for the Large inscriptions from Husho Tsaidam and a number of others is a stylized tamga image of a mountain goat in the top part of the monument, and a snake posed for attack in the bottom part of the monument.The mountain goat is a graphical euphemism for the White Deer Gold Horns, i.e. the Sun, a symbol of the Kagan fraction in the dynastic coalition of the Kaganate. The snake in a menacing pose is an euphemism for a fertility dragon and the Moon, a symbol of the Katun fraction in the ruling dynasty. Such standard arrangement of the tamgas was violated only once. On the right side of the Chojren inscription at the top is the Katun three-headed Snake , and under it is depicted the Kagan mountain goat (Fig. 3). For the ancient Türkic monuments this case is unique.
Fig. 3. Runiform inscription from Choiren (Northern Mongolia) with tamgas.
S.G.Klyashtorny compared tamga as Snake with tamga of the Ashide tribe from the tamga list of the “Tang review" . Ashide were a noblest tribe of the Türkic Kaganate. They were related to the Kagan tribe Ashina. Klyashtorny writes “Probably, originally Ashina and Ashide together constituted a dual endogamic system, so well-known at Türkic and Mongolian peoples. The relations of kinship between them were also preserved during this epoch" [Klyashtorny, 1971, p. 94-95]. Accepting these positions, we shall expand on this subject.
The Ashide Tamga is completely identical with the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) - Kushan tamga of the king Bakarna and all previous Kushan kings. The first Kushan king, alongside with that tamga, also had tamga [Akishev, 1984, p. 109]. These are not arrows reflecting three or a four component society, but three or four heads of the mythological Snake/Dragon Aji Dakhak, as stated in Avesta (Yasht V. Ardvisur, IX, 34).
The Middle Persian form of this word is ajdahak “dragon”.The dragon was associated with Moon. In the western astrology the Moon in first quarter was called “head of a dragon”,and in the last quarter was called “tail of a dragon”.Precisely the same was in the Chinese astrological compositions: lun show “head of a dragon" and lun wei “tail of a dragon”.In the middle Persian texts from the East Turkestan the combined phases (i.e. the Moon) were called do Ajdahak “two dragons" [Chavannes, Pelliot, 1913, p. 161].
The image of dragon Azhdahak has been accepted by Zoroastrianism, and since the third century by Manichaeism, where it carried functions of a king of Darkness. The spread of Mani doctrine went on a global scale. In the beginning its preachers were Persians and Sogdians. Manichaeism had widely spread in the Türkic world (Section 2). In this case, the Manichaean tradition coincided ideally with the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) myth, and that should be viewed as evidence of connections between Ashtaks and Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) at their roots. They also were an acceptant of another main Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)symbology. The district, where after the fall of the Se-Yanto Kaganate in 648, was placed Ashide Shitszyan Sytszin (Ashtak Chykan-erkin) with his people, began to be called Tsilyan/Kiglen “Cloud chariot of water and fertility “[Ouyan Sü, ch. 217а, p. 1521, f. 2а, Tsen Chünmian, 1958, p. 259, opposing view: Malyavkin, 1981, p. 103]. Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) main sacral symbols Kuyan and Kiglen were reflected in the Ashtak toponyms Kuyan (Ch. Kuyan-gu) and Kiglen (Ch. Tsilyan (Qilian)) [Van Pu, ch. 72, p. 1307].
From the position of the maternal law, on which the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) society being a gynocratic society has to be based, a husband settles in the house of his wife, i.e. the marriage was matrilocal. Remarkably and importantly, in the immediate pre-history of the Second Kaganate the Ashtaks critically selected a suitable candidate for the Kagan post, from the traditional Kagan tribe Ashna (Ashina), they were bringing the applicant over, and were raising him to the Khan throne.
The first two Kagans did not meet the high requirements of the Ashtaks to the Kagan, and were rejected almost immediately after enthronization. The marriage was matrilocal, the Kagan was treated as a necessary figure, but of the second plan. Speaking about successful military actions of the Ashinian Kutlug (future Elterish the First), the Bayin Tsoktin Tonyukuk monument inscription (lines 5-6) reads: “I said, should we force him (to become) Kagan? ”.I thought: it is said, that if from afar and are seen (lit., known) fat bulls and lean bulls, (still they) do not know which one is a fat bull and (which one is a) lean bull. Because the Sky granted me knowledge, I forced him to become Kagan”.His vision of the Kagan position the wise adviser Tonyukuk defines with the words ascribed to the lips of his military opponent: “Its (Turkic El) Kagan is a hero (alp), his adviser is wise (bilge)" (line 10).
Kagan, from the Ashtaks' point of view, had only executive military function. The relation of the Kagan - adviser was defined in a proverb that survived till the Mahmud Kashgari days: alp cherigda, bilge tirigda - “a hero [is prominent] in army, a wise [is prominent] in life" [DTS, p. 144]. For this reason in Cioiren inscription the katun tamga is placed above the kagan's tamga, and above the third and fourth lines of the Bayin Tsoktin inscription (in the top part of the Tonyukuk stele) is depicted a female triangle with the sharp end down, with a total absence of other symbols. The whole life of the First Türkic Kaganate has also passed under umbrella of she-dragon, one of the embodiment of which was a she-wulf. The she-wulf - she-dragon was considered to be not only a mother and wet nurse of the Pra-Türk, but also of the subsequent Kagans, evidenced by the Bugut monument with a sculptural image of she-wulf, feeding a human child in the top part, and the wolf banner above the Kagan court-horde (Fig. 4).
Fig. 4. Bugut monument (Northern Mongolia).
Obvious by all key indicators the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)-type of the Ashtak Türks, and their predominating position in the Second Türkic Kaganate, which included the possession of “nine surnames" (among them Uigurs), with a large doze of probability force to assume that the text of the Mogoin Shine Usu Uigur monument calls Kybchak Türks the Ashtak Türks. The impression is that in this case the term Kybchak is not an ethnonym, but a name designation of the part of of the Türks that was directly connected with the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi).
In a similar way could also be designated the Uigurs.
The Kypchak myth discussed above coincides with the Uigur known versions of a genealogical myth about a birth of Uigur pra-genitor by the name Buku, Buka or Oguz (a bull whose horns symbolize arising moon, crescent) in a hollow of a tree or in some swelling hillock ("a pregnant woman") between two trees, a cedar and a birch [Huan Wenbi, 1964, Sun Lian, ch. 122, Juvaini, 1958]. The same version is laid out in the Rashid ad-Din work. "Byogü (Bukü)-khan in ancient times was a great sovereign, to whose memory Uigurs and many other tribes pay full respect and say that he was born from a tree. This Ynanch-Bilge-Byogü-khan was a reputable king and had sons. His senior son had a name Bai-Buka ("Sacred Bull"), the Chinese kings called him Ai-wan" [Rashid ad-Din, 1965, p. 300-301].Wan is a Chinese word meaning king, the Türkic word ai means the Moon.
In a case with Ashtaks and Uigurs, the term Kypchak remained only a designation of a common ideological a level, it did not stuck to them as an ethnic name, therefore the words Türk qjbchaq from the Eletmish inscription should be perceived as Türks-Kypchaks or the Türkic Kypchaks, keeping in mind that the mythical ancestor of Uigurs was in the same sense *Uigur-Kypchak or *Uigurian Kypchakwithout an ethnic semantic in the term Kypchak.
Kypchaks (in ethnonymical or in nominal meaning) could be Türkic tribes of various ethnical background, whose pantheon was dominated by the discussed complex, the part of of the Türks that was directly connected with the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi). The words of T.A.Jdanko, already noted by D.G.Savinov, can describe the period of early “Kypchakism": “Ethnonym “Kypchaki" at different historical stages and in different geographical areas applied to tribal clans ethnically different from each other... “[Jdanko, 1974, p. 8; Savinov, 1979, p. 70].
- Kategori: EARLY TÜRKS: ESSAYS on HISTORY and IDEOLOGY
- Oluşturulma tarihi: Cuma, 08 Nisan 2011 13:22
- Son güncelleme: Pazar, 04 Eylül 2011 15:35
- Yayın tarihi: Cuma, 08 Nisan 2011 13:22
- Yazar: Yu. A. Zuev
- Gösterim: 350
Almost all references about "Black Wagoneers"-Heichetszy tribe during the period of the Kidan state Liao (907-1125) in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia characterize them as a part of poli-ethnic confederation Shivei, and in the sources they more frequently appear under the name Heichetszy-Shivei. During the rise of the Kidan state the Heichetszy were one of the Kidan nearest and main objects of foreign policy expansion. Only in the 907 the Kidan court undertook three times the military ("retaliatory”)actions against Heichetszy, and succeded to “bring under rule" dependent on them “eight surnames" [Toto, ch. 1, p. 16, f. 2а]. In a year Kidans again were at war with Heichetszy [Ibid, f. 3b], and in 939 Heichetszy presented Kidan court with “famous horses" [Ibid, ch. 4, p. 31, f. 1b]. Similar gifts came from them in 940, 944 and 945 [Ibid, ff. 5b, 10b, 12а]. The “History of Liao dynasty" recorded a name Princely seat Heichetszy-Shivei [Ibid, ch. 46, p. 254, f. 26b]. Another place of the same annals dives their characteristics: “Heichetszy is a possession, and they received their name because they skillfully made yurts on the carts. Kidan's ancestors always sent to them people to study this craft" [Ibid, ch. 116, p. 514, f. 3a]. Probably, this abbreviated characteristic came from somewhat more detailed text in the notes of Chinese Hu Tsiao, who was in Kidan captivity in 947-953: “North from Kidans live Heichetszy, skilful in manufacturing yurts on carts. Those people know how to revere the parents. Their land is poor and produce nothing. It is said that Kidan ancestors used to guard the lands of Uigurs, but then abandoned them and fled to Heichetszy. From them they learned to make yurts on carts" [Ouyan Sü, 1958, ch. 73, p. 450, f. 96].
These statements also testify to the borrowing of this type of a cart from their Kangju neighbors. For them this vehicle was Kangjuan. The initial sound d- in the word dih could sound as Greek -δ (compare the name Κανδίχ of a leader in Northern Caucasus) and depict -l. Therefore Kang-dih/Kanga-dih on Türkic language base, except for the above noted *Kankatu, was Kanholi < Khang-at-yi < Qanγaly ~ Kangaly, Kangly. the Chinese “Kangju" in Türkic was called Kangly. So also was called a wagon. In the Sanskrit-Türkic texts Sanskrit words s'akata "vehicle" and rath "chariot" were always translated with a word qanγli [Clauson, 1965, p. 164, Gabain, 1952, p. 8].
Chronologically first record about Kangly tribe (in the form Qara Qanγliγ) belongs to the area beyond Khingan. It is contained in one of the reports of the quoted above Uiguro-Tibetan document 1283 from the P.Pelliot's Tibetan collection. It says that north from the tribe of the king Za-ma kha-gan (Yama-Kagan) lives a giant three sajen (3.5 m - Translator's Note) tall. The solar (i.e. southern, compare with “possession of god Yama in the south”)slope of his valley is like those of the neighboring sovereigns. Enemies do not dare to attack him, because he does not fall under to the laws of death. For that reason he does not have neither monuments, nor burial places. In that country are many wild animals. When Kyrgyzes (Hir-ris) sent to him the envoy, they found the giant chasing a dog, which he tied to a tree, intending to hang it (compare an arkan lasso and a noose as main accessories of god Yama). On a baffled question, why he is doing it, the giant responded: “If I, Kara Kanglyg (Ga-ra-gang-lig), have to pasture my bulls and rams myself, why do I need its service?" [Bacot, 1956, p. 146, 152].
In the Kidan language the dog was designated by a word hyon [Kvaerne, 1980], and in the Chinese transcription siven (< γiei-uən). Siven were a fourth tribe in the eight-tribe Kidan state. The quoted document reflects an episode of strained relations with Kidans. In the Uigur variation of the “Oguz-name" the origin of the term kangly is connected with a victory over the Djurdjit state, i.e. over Chjurchjens(aka Jurchens, Tunguses known as the Manchus - Translator's Note) [Scherbak, 1959, pp. 52-53].
To the same conclusion leads the compositional analysis of the tribes participating in the creation of a cart- kangly-wagon in one of the ethnogenetic legends of the Karakalpaks:
Meanwhile, Kongrats also entered in the Mongolian (Kiyan!) genealogic tradition as "Queen tribe”.It was believed that from the Kongyrats of the branch Kuralas descended the mythical Foremother of Mongols, seated in the covered wagon of Alan-Goa [Kozin, 1941, para. 6, Rashid ad-Din, 1952, vol. 1, book 1, p. 154-155]. A Kongyrat (Ongyrat) was Borte-udjin, the spouse of Temuchin (Chingiz-khan). The words of her father in the episode of courtship are of note:
Early Kongrats had one more distinctive ethnographic feature. Rashid-ad-Din writes “It is said that their origin is this: three sons came out from a Gold vessel (bastu-i zarrin), and this word should be a hint and a ponter... " [Rashid ad-Din, 1952, p. 160]. In Old Persian language the word bastu means a clay pot for oil, and also a beater for churning butter. Similar description is found, for example, in the old Indian mythology, where each of hundred kauravs, descendants of the king of the Lunar dynasty Kuru, was grown in a pot vessel filled with drawn butter [Mahabharata, p. 316-317]. The object is a mythological vessel identical to the body of a woman, giver of life, fertility and pullulation, inside of which is a child.
The main stages in the history of the early Kongyrats can be reconstructed. Their historical ancestors are *Olku/Olkun (Ch. ulohou, ulohun; subsequently Kongyrat-Olkunut) in the fifth century (AD) and later lived directly southeast from the “cave of ancestors" of the ancient Syanbi-Toba (Gaosyan cave in the valley of the river Gan, a tributary of Nonni, on the east slopes of the northern part of the Great Hingan, Inner Mongolia) [Liu Yingsheng, 1989, p. 96]. In the beginning of the seventh century (AD) they were marriage partners of the ancient Uigur eltebers [Ouyan Sü, ch. 217а, p. 1520, f. la; Liu Mau-tsai, 1958, p. 351, p. 719]. Probably, in the Uigur princedom of Ganzhou in the social ranking hierarchy system the position of the tribe Kongur was identical. From 906 Kongyrats of the Inner Mongolia were a part of the Kidan state Liao, and after 1125 without a struggle have accepted suzerainty of the Chjurchjen (Djurdjit) (aka Jurchens, Tunguses known as the Manchus - Translator's Note) state Tszin, where they became famous as a “tribe of white rank”.From that time the term Ongyrat (Ch. vantszila) also entered the Chjurchjen ethnonymics. At that time they were not considered to be “Mongols”;they were absorbed in ancient Mongol genealogical myth as “strangers”.In the version of the myth in the “Djami at-tavarih”,the ancient Kongrats did not participate in conflagrating the fires intended to melt an exit from the mountain valley Ergene-Kon, considered to be an ancestral home of ancient Mongolic Kiyans. After stomping the hearths of the other tribes, they "without advice and permission “left the valley. By grandiose efforts the ancestors of Mongols have melted a passage in the mountains and came out from the gulch onto the open space of steppe, but the sin for that crime fell on the legs of Kongyrats. Since then they became known for their sick legs [Rashid ad-Din, 1952, p. 154].
In that part the Mongolian myth repeats entirely the elementary act of Creation in, for example, Indo-European main myth where the god of the Thunder-storm dissects a rock and, thus overcoming the Snake or the Dragon guarding the exit from the cave, releases from the Sun's descendents [Ivanov, Toporov, 1974, p. 73-103]. In turn, the mythological illness of legs, “lameness" or “single-legged" hero universally point to his Snake/Dragon chthonic essence [Levi-Stros, 1970, p. 157, Laushkin, 1970, p. 181-186]. This explanation is needed considering that Kongyrats were traditionally a "Khatun hamlet" of the Mongolian emperors. And the symbol of the Katun-queen fraternity (for example, in the Türkic Kaganate) was a Snake/Dragon, as an incarnation of a deity of Waters and Fertility.
Interpretation of the name Shuiyt (from shui "linchpin") is a fruit of the national etymology, perceived to justify participation of the Shuiyt tribe in the creation of the mythical arba-wagon Kangly, and thus ideologically to prove the existence of certain special connection between Shuiyts and Kangly. The Karakalpak term ascends to the Mongolian form Chjuiyt~Chjuin. In "Secret legend of Mongols" Chjuins are listed as a vassal tribe of the Mongolian rulers, previously dependent from "Kitad's Altan-khan" (Tszin dynasty, Chjurchjens) and "Karakitads" (Liao dynasty, actually Kidans). Addressing his commanders, Chingiz-khan says: “Divide 50-50 between yourselves the Kitad's Chjuins. Take their noble youngsters as falconers and retinue. And accustom the noble maidens to be attender girls (i.e. attending the entrance) at your wives. Because the Karakitad Chjuins were favorite and trusted people at Karakitad Altan-khan" [Kozin, 1940, para. 266]. Messages about Chjuins and Chjun-irgen people are also contained in other paragraphs of this monument (para. 53, 247, 248). In addition to the above Chjuins, are also noted Chjuin-Tatars [Poucha, 1956, p. 65]. As a matter of fact, all written references to Chjuins are known in thr “Tatar context”.Analyzing them, the Chinese scientist Van Govej came to an important conclusion that adopted by the Mongols Chjurchjen designation for Chjuin-Tatars corresponds to the Kuin-Tatars of other written sources, in particular “Djami at-tavarih" by Rashid-ad-Din [Van Govej, vol. 3, p. 794-796; Pilliot, 1929, p. 128-129, 167].
Kuin-Tatars appear in the list of the Tatar tribes in the work of Rashid-ad-Din [Rashid ad-Din, 1952, vol. 1, book 1, p. 164, 165] (prof. Chen Dechji offers a reading Kuiten-Tatars [Chen Dechji, 1958, p. 27], however compare the name of a clan Kuiyn of the tribe Ktai of the Karakalpaks [Jdanko, I960, p. 165]). Variations of this ethnonym are numerous, also numerous are the fates of the separate branches of the Kuin/Kuyan tribe or confederation.
This review is far from exhausting all the areas in the east with the name Kang. A Türkic tribe Kangaz (Ch. С5064, 11570, 10406 geechji < Ka-nga-tsie), headed by an Erkin leader, was known In the 8th century. They were part of the “three wooden-horsed (i.e. using skis) Tutszüe-Türk tribes”,their homes were covered with birch bark, they bred horses. Chinese text writes all three names together: dubomiligeechji [Ouyan Sü, ch. 2176, p. 1531, f. 11b]. The separation of the name С3438, 2890 Dubo (< tuo-puâ) from that compound, and its identification with Tuba~Tuva, was not questioned by any researcher. N.Ya.Bichurin read the other hieroglyphs of this compound Milige, Echji [Bichurin, 1, p. 354]. F.Hirth viewed their reading identically, he offered Balig and Atsch respectively [Hirth, 1899, p. 40]. Tsen Chünmian in the publication "Assembly of materials for the history of Türks-Tutszüe" parsed this combination as Dubo, Mili, Geechji [Tsen Chünmian, 1958, p. 732]. The text of “Secret legend of Mongols" confirmed the accuracy of the identification of Geechji (Kangaz) [Kozin, 1940, para. 439], a tribe Kanggas is named among the “forest peoples" north of Mongolia [Poucha, 1956, p. 67, 75]. The term Kangaz/Kangas is a binary compound: Kang+Az/As, i.e. "Azes/Ases from Kang", "Kang's Azes/Ases". The tribe of Ases in the lower course of the Kang (Syr-Darya) was discussed above.
As believes S.I.Weinstein, the Tuba tribe of that document extended over very large territory, from Baikal to Enisei Kyrgyzes [Weinstein, 1961, p. 27]. As to the tribe Az/As (further in the text Us), in the 13th century they definitely lived in the valley of the river the Us (tributary of the Upper Yenisei) and were in conjugal relationship with Kyrgyzes. The text says: “[Tribe] Us received its name from the river. They live east from Kyrgyzes and north from the river Kem. Their custom is to slaughter a white horse, a bull, and a ram in the first decade of the sixth Moon, pore koumiss on the ground, and bathe everyone in the Us-muren river. This is their sacrifice to the river god. They explain that from the river came their ancestor" [Sun Lyan, ch. 63, p. 675, ff. 34б-35а]. During ethnographically modern time, the Tatars of the Volga region made the same sacrifice of a horse, a bull and a ram to the river deity [Ageeva, 1985, p. 105] (and they all keep bathing together in a river or in a bathhouse - Translator's Note).
- Kategori: EARLY TÜRKS: ESSAYS on HISTORY and IDEOLOGY
- Oluşturulma tarihi: Cuma, 08 Nisan 2011 13:24
- Son güncelleme: Pazar, 04 Eylül 2011 15:35
- Yayın tarihi: Cuma, 08 Nisan 2011 13:24
- Yazar: Yu. A. Zuev
- Gösterim: 537
After ten years in Sünnu captivity Chjan Tsian (Pin. Zhang Qian) appeared in Nisa (Ch. Ershi) capital at the court of the Fergana king. He has presented his ambassadorial bunchuk (symbol of power, a staff with horse hair on the top - Translator's Note), told about his time in foreign lands, and told about the purpose of his travel to Great Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi). The ancient Fergana (Chinese Daüan, Davan) was a large state, rich and densely populated, with numerous army, whose ruler probably was in vassal dependence from Kangha king (Chinese Kangjü, Kangji). The ruler did not dare to let the embassy to pass to the living directly to the west Great Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) without a knowledge and consent of his Kangjü suzerain in the south [Ban Gu, ch. 61, p. 749; compare Ch. 96b, p. 1194, f. 17b]. The post service in Fergana was well oiled. He sent an inquiry to Kangju (Kangar) with an urgent mail, and only after receiving a consent, allowed The Hanian to continue on his way. Ferganians excorted Chjan Tsian (Pin. Zhang Qian) to the Great Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi), who were living north of the river Guishui/Cheyhun/Amu Darya west from Fergana, south from Kangju (Kangar). As believes K.Czegledi, this fragment of the description of Chjan Tsian (Pin. Zhang Qian) travel has a fundamental significance for understanding Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) problems. This fragment shows that in 128 BC Sogdiana was located southwest from Fergana, soon after migration there of Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) tribes, Sogdiana was under Kangju (Kangar) domination.
At that Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)'s migratory stage, a starting point of their movement to Bactria was Kangju (Kangar), the Kangju (Kangar) role for Uechjies was decisive [Czegledi, 1983, p. 48, 123]. Already in the early annals the Sogd is called Kangju (Kangar), and its main city, С9305, 782 Suse (Pulliblank reading *sah-gleats, an early form of the Sogd name) was Kesh, later Shahrisyabz, near Samarkand [Fan Süanlin, ch. 97, p. 664, f. 8а; Hulseve, 1979, p. 132]. Strabo (XI, VIII, 2) tells that the conquerors of Bactria were Ases, or Asians, Tochars and Sakarauls (Sakarauks < Saka-rauka “White Sakas”,compare Aorses < Urusha “White”)who “came down from Yaksart”,Syr-Darya, i.e. from Kangju (Kangar) itself. Ases were “kings of the Tochars ”.Therefore Pompeus Trogus counts as conquerors of Bactria and Sogdiana the “Scythian tribes Sa[ka]rauks and Asians”.The left bank of Syr-Darya in the area of its tributary Kuvandarya was the residence of the Tochars-(Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)?) [Tolstov, 1948, p. 137-140; Vainberg, 1999, p. 241-256] under the rule of the Kangh king. Sogd was captured by his vassals, and therefore the travel to the Great Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) was impossible without a consent of their master, and in the Chinese sources the Sogd itself also began to be called Kangju (Kangar), and later Kang. The “History of northern dynasties" read: “Kang (Qang, Sogd) state is descendent of Kangju (Kangar). They moved constantly, and did not know attachment to the former lands. [In the Kang state] the succession line did not interrupt since the time of Han dynasty. The surname of their ruler is Ven, he is Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)" [Li Yanshou, ch. 97, p. 1298, f. 25b; also: Wei Chjen, ch. 83, p. 826, f. 8а]. The New Edition of the “History of Tang dynasty" only states the phrase “King surname is Ven, he is Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)" [Ouyan Sü, ch. . 221, p. 1555, f. 1а]. The point is, Sogd is Kangju (Kangar) and Kang, but Kangju (Kangar) and Kang are not a country along Syr-Darya, or a Sogd along Zeravshan and Kashkadarya, but as we Shall see, much more than that.
The brief text in the “Historical notes" about the Kangju (Kangar) country reads: “Kangju (Kangar) is located almost two thousand li northwest from Daüan. The customs of this nomadic state in many respects are similar with Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi). Those drawing bows (i.e. battle-ready men, soldiers) are 80-90 thousand. Bordering on Daüan. It is a small state. In the south they serve Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi)[tribes], in the east they serve Sünnu [tribe]" [Syma Qian, ch. 123, p. 1138, f. 4а].
The text is inconsistent internally: in a “small" (Ch. syao “small”)state could not be such a numerous army. The same work repeat the Chjan's words, addressed to the emperor and obviously taken from the Ban Gu chronicle, to restore the lost text: “North [from the Shendu state, India] are Great Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) and Kangju (Kangar), with strong armies, for which can be established payment for service to the [Han] dynasty. And if besides an opportunity comes to sway them into vassalage, its possession will expand ten thousand li" [Ibid, p. 1140, f. 8а-b; Ban Gu, ch. 61, p. 750, f. 3a].
The next news about Kangju (Kangar) is connected with the events unwrapped around Han’s invasion in Fergana. Following the determined anti-Han policies of Kangju (Kangar), Fergana, with its Northern route of the East-West trading road, was a serious obstacle for the Han's expansion to the countries of the “Western Territory”.The chronicler even notes the fact of the murder of the Han envoy [Sima Qian, ch. 123, p. 114, f. 16а]. As a cause for invasion ostensibly served the love of emperor U (140-87 BC) of the Fergana “Heavenly horses”,capable to bring a rider to the “Country of immortality”.The Hans were not allowed to purchase these horses, and in 102 BC under the walls of Ersha/Nisa appeared a huge army flying the Han flag. The Fergana people expected that the suzerain army would come to their aid, and then the “Ferganians in the city, and Kangju (Kangar) in steppe" would crush the enemy army. The Kangju (Kangar) cavalry has really arrived, but observing the size and power of the Han's divisions, did not dare to enter a battle. As a result, the Fergana capital surrendered, only the eastern frontier city Ü ("Colorful”,"Blooming”)resisted to the last man. Its ruler fled to Kangju(Kangar). To avoid drawing the Han aggression against Kangju (Kangar), and not to allow even a formal excuse for a war against Kangju (Kangar), its suzerain turned over their vassal (to the Chinese) [Sima Qian, ch. 123, p. 1145, ll. 18b-19а-b, Ban Gu, ch. 61, p. 753-754, ll. 10b-11b].
The war only sideswiped Kangju (Kangar), but became a prominent milestone in its history. In the 59 BC the Han court established a post of a dukhu military representative in the “Western Territory”.His duties included monitoring the military conditions in the states of the territory (including Kangju (Kangar)) and notifying the court about changes. Kangju (Kangar) was not depended from the Han's dukhu.
A chance for Chinese military penetration into Kangju (Kangar) came later, by the middle of the 1st century BC. In the 57 BC the southern part of the Sünnu tribes accepted Han's overlordship and received military support in fight against their northern kins headed by Chjichji-shanyu (郅支單于 Jiji/ Zhizhi). He was an aggressive and once successful ruler who subdued some states, the ruler of the northern Sünnu fled to the Tszyan-kun (Upper Yenisei Kyrgyzes) country. At thats time Kangju (Kangar), exposed on the eastern frontiers to a constant pressure of the Usuns, allied with the Han, decided to take advantage of the sutuation and invite the famous warrior to their military service. In the winter, on the way from Tszyan-kun to Syr-Darya, a significant part of Chjichji (Jiji/Zhizhi) troops died from frost. Kangju (Kangar) reached only 3 thousand barely alive men. The Kangju (Kangar) king met them with honor, married his daughter to Chjichji (Jiji/Zhizhi), and gave him a tract on the bank of the Talas to build a fortress. In two years it was completed. Chjichji (Jiji/Zhizhi) made some victorious raids on Usun, “and began to think of himself as a state”.And at this time the Han army under command of Chen Tan and Gan Yanshou advanced to Talas by two separate roads. After a bloody fight, recorded in the annals with details, the fortress fell. It happened in 36 BC [Ban Gu, ch. 7а, p. 854-855, ll. 1а-4а; Ch. 94b, p. 1131, f. 7а; Ch. 96а, p. 1163, f. 15b-16а].
The annals are silent about that military campaign and its political consequences. Were recorded only the independent policy of Kangju (Kangar), and the arrogance of its king.
The Han's dukhu in the “Western Territory" Go Shun wrote to the capital: ”... The present kinship relations of our Court with Usuns still had not delivered any benefit; on the contrary, they only trouble the Middle Kingdom... Kangju (Kangar), on the contrary, it is proud, audacious and does not agree to bow in any way to our envoys.... From these acts, it is not difficult to conclude why he sends his sons to serve at the Chinese court. It is a sly pretext under which he wants to trade" [Bichurin, 2, p. 185; Ban Gu, 96а, p. 1168, f. 16а-b].
The winter court of the Kangju (Kangar) king was the city of S3721, 5835 Bitian (< pye-den) in the S9091, 9967, 1279 Leüeni district. E. Pulleyblank compares the transcription bitian < pye-den < *bidn with expected *Bidn-kath and later Bin-kat. The name Leüeni, in his opinion, corresponds to one of the Yaksart/Syr-Darya names [Pulleyblank, 1962, p. 94]. However, the resemblance of the transcription pye-dan with the Persian methan “house”,"dwelling" can't be excluded. Probably, the correspondence is in the title-name Bidan (Bidan-syangü) of the Türgesh dehkan of the large settlement in the Chu valley mentioned in the Gardizi composition "Zain al-ahbar" [Bartold, 1973, p. 41, 62].
From Bidan to the king's summer residence was a 7-day travel (to the north). A small deviation is needed here. The "History of northern dynasties" says that Chjeshe (Chach, Tashkent) "is the former Kangju (Kangar) state" [Li Yanshou, ch. 97, p. 1295, f. 19а]. Another name of Chach was Shi-go "Stone kingdom”.Its description runs: "Stone Kingdom is located on the river Yaosha (Yaksart). The main city circumference is more than 10 li. A reigning surname is Shi (Stone), and the name is [i]ne ([i]nel)... " [Wei Chjen, ch. 83, p. 826, f. 9b]. For the Türkic time, exist two messages with Shi-go a reference point. Under the year 603 is written that one of Western Türkic Kagans “lived north from Shi-go and ruled all Sogdian (Hu) states [of Central Asia]" [Wei Chjen, ch. 84, p. 838, f. 15а].
In 616 Western Türkic Kagan Tun-yabgu “moved the court to the Tsian-Tsiuan (Thousand Springs, Merke) district north from Shi-go (Stone State) and began to rule all states in the “Western Territory" ”,i.e. Central Asia [Lü Süy, ch. 194b, p. 1445, f. 5а]. The Tsian-Tsiuan district belonged to the Shi-go [Syma Guan, ch. 199, p. 6273]. In 629 this district was described: “Passing more than 400 li from Suyab to the west, [he] arrived in the Tsian-Tsiuan district. The Tsiantsiuan district occupies an area about 200 li . On the southern side [lie] snowy mountains, and on three other sides [lie] steppe. The ground there is damp, the woods are rich, and the various flowers in the spring months are like color silks. There are a thousand sources and lakes, and the district is named for this reason. The Türkic Kagan hides there every year from the summer heat. There are herds of deer, and boast cowbells on thongs. They are used to people" [Zuev, 1960а, p. 91].
The fertile “Thousand Springs" district was in the Talas area, which in the middle of the 8th century was viewed as the “Stone Kingdom fortress”.In the second half of the 1st century BC Chjichji-shanyu(Jiji/ Zhizhi) gave to the Kangju (Kangar) king, in honor of Chjichji's (Jiji/Zhizhi) marriage to the Chinese imperial daughter, a fortress on the bank of the Talas river built by Kangju (Kangar) people. Among other reasons for building this fortress, was probably a protection of the king's summer residence. The behavior of the newcomer from the remote country was not concordant with the “Kangju(Kangar) customs”,and soon after his marriage the capricious Chjichji (Jiji/Zhizhi) ordered to throw his young wife, together with her Kangju (Kangar) courtiers, into the river. As described below, this act was a peculiar reaction to the local customs.
Without joining a lively polemic on localization of the Kangju (Kangar) proper, two substantial notes are pertinent. One of them defines Kangju (Kangar) eastern limits in the 36 BC: “Three groups of [Gan Yanshou] dukhu set out from Vensu (nowadays district Ushi, Uch-Turfan, SUAR). Going by the Northern road, [after 610 li] they came to Chigu, crossed Usun, and, crossing the border of Kangju(Kangar), came [to the district] west of Tianchi, the Issyk-kul" [Ban Gu, ch. 70, p. 858, f. 9а]. The other marker is the Küngü (Ch. Gunüi < kiώong-ngiώo < *küngü, compare the ancient Türkic k[ü]ngü, k[ä]-ngü: KTb, 21).
It is recorded as a last point before the border with Nuchket and then with Chach (Tashkent) in the traveling notes of Suan-tszan in the 629, when the name Kang, known from the works of the Muslim authors, has already become conventional. Byan Tszi writes "Traversing southwest about 200 li [from the city on the White river, Ispidjab] , we arrived in the city of Gunüi. The city is 5-7 li in circumference. The land there is damp and fertile, and the forests magnificent and rich. From there after going 40 or 50 li toward south we arrived in Nuchitszyan (Nuchket) state... Traversing west from there more than 200 li, we arrived in the Chach state" [Zuev, 1960а, p. 91-92]. The archaic state of the name points on its chronological remote antiquity, and concurrence with the first Chinese record of Kangju(Kangar) (<*khang-kiah> khang-kio).
It was established for a long time that in the Indian "Mahabharata" the Kang country is mentioned under the name Kanka, in the Iranian “Avesta" it is called Kangha or Kanga. In the Avesta fragments that reached us it is mentioned once. A warrior Tusa sacrifices to the goddess Ardvisura Anahita and asks for her blessing:
In Avesta the “country" or “area" was called dahyu, in ancient Persiani dahya, in middle Persiani dih/deh. Therefore, the “Kangha country" could or was really called *Kangha-dahyu, later *Kangha-dih, Kang-dih, many variations also existed. In the Arabian rendering of the Persian terms the initial sound g is transmitted by Arabian dj. Therefore, these Persian composites in the works of the Arabian writers about Kang area were pronounced Kendjdeh, Kendjide and the like. The area on the right bank of the river Arys, flowing into Syr-Darya, and on the right bank of the Syr-Darya middle course in the works of the early Arabian geographers were called Kendjide, nowadays is so called a district in the Southern Kazakhstan area.
In this region the archeological research revealed the material that allows to make a number of important conclusions. In the E.I.Ageeva and G.I.Patsevich opinion, the fortress Djuvan-tepe (village Mamaevka) is the remains of the main city Arsubaniket in Kendjide area. Its population was nomadic and seminomadic [Ageeva, Patsevich, 1956, p. 53-57]. The possessions of the Kangju (Kangar)country in the north reached the estuary of Syr-Darya. An important area were the cities of the Otrar oasis [Baipakov, 1990, p. 10-18; Baipakov, Ternovaya, 1998, p. 156-166].
The Chinese annals stated that "Chach is the former Kangju (Kangar) state”.A part of researchers sometimes holds an opinion that the historical digressions and comparisons of the contemporary names with the more ancient names, found in the texts of annals should not be trusted. This is a misunderstanding. The ancient chronicler, "bringing the present names into accordance with the ancient names" (these are the words of an imperial decree), had a such documentary base that our contemporaries can't even dream about. To ascertain that, is enough to review the historiographical sections of the annals. Many of the works mentioned there were forever lost still 800-1000 or more years ago.
Stating that refers to the line about the Shi ("stone") state or Chach (illustrated by the variations of the Chinese transcriptions). "It is a northern fringe of the Daiuan [country] of Han epoch. From the capital [of China] distance is 9 thousand li. In the northeast it reaches the western Türks, in north it reaches Farab (Bola), two hundred li to the south it adjoins the Hodjent (Tszüychjanti), five hundred li southwest it adjoins Samarkand. The circumference [of the Shi state] is 1000 li ... The surname of the king is Shi ("Stone"), his residence is in the city of Chach, it is the city Yuyni of a small small king of the former Kangju (Kangar). In a southwest flows the river Yaksart " [Ouyan Sü, ch. 2216, p. 1555, f. 2b, Bichurin, And, p. 313, Chavannes, 1903, p. 140].
Syr-Darya is a great river of Central Asia (2,863 km in length). Its goddess was *Harasvati Ardvisura Anahita. In antiquity the Persia was considered a community of the Sun god and covenant with Mitra, and Turan with the center in Kangju (Kangar) was considered a community of goddess Ardvisura Anahita [Braginsky, 1991, p. 100]. Her exact twin was the old Indian goddess of waters and fertility Sarasvati [Lommel, 1954, p. 406-409], embodying the river Sarasvati, which once was running into the Arabian sea. In “Avesta" to the Syr-Darya goddess is devoted a large Yasht (Yasht 5. Ardvisur). Like Sarasvati, Ardvisura Anahita stands in a chariot of waters “rata" (simultaneously, it is a cloud chariot), with four harnessed white horses, a Wind, a Rain, a Cloud and Hailstones. Her palace stands on the Heavenly river. The Anahita river originates at the top of the World Mountain (Hukaria) and runs into the World Ocean (Vourukasha sea). Winter and summer, night and day she carries waters in the chariot. Her heavenly waters rain streams (tata apo) fall on the ground [Bartholomae, 1961, p. 631, 636]. The Yasht says “I want to glorify the esteemed by all golden tip of Hukaria, equal in height to thousand men, from which flows the Ardvisura Anahita, equal in height to all waters flowing on this land, full of force”.
In the other place of the same Yasht the Anahita river is characterized as “wide and healing”,"raising seed of all husbands, preparing maternal bosom of all wives, easing delivery of all wives, filling at proper time the required milk in female breast, boundless, famous, equal in length to all waters, powerful" [Braginsky, 1972, p. 57-71; Steblin-Kamensky, 1993, p. 26-52].
In several places “Avesta" mention the main enemies of Iranians “Danayans"-Turs (danava from danu “river”,in this case Syr-Darya). The same Yasht (18, 73) reads: “Grant to us such fortune, a kind and powerful Arvisura Anahita, that we became winners over the Turan Danavs”.The Yasht 13 says likewise (Fravartin, 37-38): ”... Then the brave men from Hshtavi clan joined battle with Danavs. You (the fravash-protector spirits) then repulsed an attack of Danavs-Turanians. You then repulsed the wrath of Danavs-Turanians (Scythians)... Then were laid waste the predatory settlements of Danavs, who had a ten-thousand army" [Abaev, 1990, p. 31-34]. The tribes along the Yaksart (Syr-Darya) were called “Yaksarts”,Ptolemy (6th century) names the tribes living on the river Kang (Syr-Darya) Kahags. These names reflect not a taxonomic concept “Syrdaryanian”,but a religious concept “those who revere the River goddess”.
The dynastic surname of the state Later Chjao (后赵 “Later Zhao”) (319-352) was Shi (石) ("stone") from a tribe С12641, 8881 Tsiantszüy (< khiang-gio) [Fan Suanlin, ch. 104, p. 716, f. 1а]. The tribe Tsiantszüy was one of 19 tribes of the southern Sünnu [Fan Sjuanlin, ch. 97, p. 666, f. 11а], but were Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) in origin and were a part of the tribal group with a common name С1259 (羯 ) Tsze ( Jie) (< kiat), with rich beards and large noses. The existence of certain ties of the Tsze (Jie) tribes with the Central Asian princedoms is traceable [Tan Chanju, 1955, p. 416]. The Chinese scientists Tan Tsisyan and Yao Weiuan [1958, p. 355-358] came to a conclusion about synonymy of names Tsyanizui and Kantszui (Kangar).
To the same conclusion came E. Pulleyblank. Using H.Bailey's consultation, he cited linguistic material in favor of interpretation the term kang- as "stone" [Pulleyblank, 1986, p. 38-39]. His conclusion can be supported by concrete evidence. The subject probably is the eastern-most of Kangju (Kangar)es on the river Kan in the Inner Mongolia: "More than a thousand li north-east from their (the Baiarku tribe) country flows the river S9555, 3837 Kangan (< khang-kan < *kanggan). There grow pines. After soaking it in the water for two years it turns into stone. Its color is dark. The inhabitants of that country call it kanggan “stone”.The pine tree, turning into stone, retains the tree pattern" [Tsen Chünmian, 1958, p. 737]. It this brief message are three images: a river, a stone and immortality.
The interpretation of stone as abode of immortal deity, “house of god”,its embodiment is known to many peoples in antiquity, and continues till present, because the stone is eternal like a god. The ode to the female deity Si-van-mu was written on a stone. The Mother of Gods, the Asia Minor goddess of waters and fertility Cybele was brought from Phrygia to Rome as stone embodiment. The image of the goddess with the face carved from a rough stone, was placed on a cart and on the holiday day devoted to her was washed in the waters of the river Almon. On Syr-Darya this goddess reigned under the name Ardvisura Anahita. The names “Kangha”,"Kanka”,"Kang”,"Stone kingdom" (Shi-go) and “Stone City" (Tashkent) are the symbols of the great Syr-Darya goddess cult.
Middle Türkic variations
The “Kang complex" also continued during the Türkic epoch. The base Chinese rendition by hieroglyphs С9555, 2109 is articulated not only as Kangtszui, but also as Kantszi (< khang-gji < *kanggi). Is known its Türkic adaptation. In the Biography of Mongolian commander Subetei in the “History of the Yuan dynasty, 1271-1368" the description of events of 1223 says that alongside with men of other tribes in his thousand unit were С1325, 3234 Khantszin (Kangin) and Tsincha (kybchat) [Sun Lian, ch. 121, p. 1414, f. 2b; Ch. 122, p. 1429, f. 106: (khan) tszin tsincha]. In the Mongolian language this term is framed in plural: Kangit.
In the 13th century through their lands beyond Volga passed a European traveler Plano Carpini: “We crossed into the land of Kangits (Kangitae), where in very many places is felt a scarcity of water... These people were pagans, and like Komani, Kangits also did not till the land, and ate only cattle" [ Travel, 1993, p. 72]. The clan Khanggid (written Mong. qanggin) nowadays is part of a Khamnigan tribe in Dadal-Somon of the Khentei aimak in Mongolia [Urai-Kyohalmi, 1964, p. 159].
The name of the Kirghiz tribe Kandy can be viewed as a nearest Türkic expression of the combination kang-dih; the morpheme -dy in the word Kandy (~Kanly) is not an affix of relationship from the an initial root, in the Kirghiz language that role is performed by -duu [Abramzon, 1946, p. 129]. To the Kanga/Kanka area can be related the presence of the ethnonym Khangakish (< *hanga+kish/kishi "Kang people”,"Kangian people”). S.G.Agadjanov writes that in the 10th century the eastern border of the Oguz possessions reached the lower watercourse of the river Ili. In the east they possessed the fortress Gorguz (Horgos). The local tribes were called Khangakishes. They were distinguished by their bellicosity. On the Idrisi maps they are also called Khanga-Guzes, and their country is called Khangaket [Agadjanov, 1969, p. 73]. The name Khankaket finds a direct analogy in another source. The Chinese annals tell that in 658 in the main city of Stone Kingdom С10599, 7259 Kantsze (< Kham-kiat) the Chinese established a post of Kan-tutun [Ouyan Sü, ch. 221b, p. 1555, f. 2b]. The consonance Kham suggest a Sogdian intermediary, and corresponds to Kang (compare the name of the tribe Dolange < Ta-lam-kat < Tälämgät ~Tälänggät). The name is reconstructed as Qang-ket, and title as Qang-tudun.
Idrisi has a name of a Khandag tribe, undoubtedly ascending to *Kangh-dahiyu. In accordance with Idrisi, in the 10th century Khandags were coaching in the Chu river valley. They were distinguished by their bravery and independence. The main residence of their ruler was a fortress Khiyyam. That fortress served as a refuge during external danger. In S.G.Agadjanov's opinion, the fortress Khiyyam is identical with the medieval city Ordu on the right to bank of the river Chu [Agadjanov, 1969, p. 67, 73-74]. The name of the member of the Kangju (Kangar) complex Bajanak tribe Kangar is a theme of a separate examination. The Kangly are discussed below.
Kangju (Kangar) in the east
At one time was believed that the news about Kangju (Kangar) country reached China only after Chjan Qian's return in the 127 BC from his first travel to the “Western Territory”.E. Pulleyblank however noted that 7 years prior to his return, in the 134 BC a letter of a Confucian Dun Shunshu to the throne mentioned Kangju (Kangar) [Ban Gu, ch. 56, p. 696, f. 12], and in the 130 BC it is mentioned in one of Syma Syanju documents [Sima Qian, ch. 117, p. 1021, f. 276; Ban Gu, ch. 57b, p. 715, f. 1а; Pulleyblank, 1986, p. 28]. Do not also fit the image of the Syr-Darya Kangju (Kangar) the story in the Urbe-Kypchaks paragraph about the flight of the northern shanyu “to Usun" or “to Kangju (Kangar)”.The author of the continuation of the “History of the Late Han dynasty" writes that “he fled, where to is unknown" [He Tsing, ch. 79b, p. 1149].
The reason of this uncertainty can be elucidated. “Barely breathing out of fear" and “naked”,the northern shanyu first fled to the neighboring, but unknown to the Chinese chronists Kangju (Kangar) area on the eastern slopes of the Great Khingan in the northern part of the Inner Mongolia. The composition “Wei lue" (Brief review of the Wei dynasty, 220-265) did not reach us. Only vast citations from it by the commentator Pei Sunchji, who lived in the dynasty Sun (420-479) period, were preserved, used in explanations of the “Description of three states" text. The fragment reflects the beginning of the “Great Migration of Peoples”,and therefore the usual coordinates of the location of the tribes are different there. Kangju (Kangar) is shown in it “south from Baikal (?) Dinlins and southeast from Gekun (Kyrgyzes)" [Chen Show, ch. 30, p. 419, f. 34а].
Kangju (Kangar) is mentioned in the middle of the 9th century AD. The second Uigur Kaganate fell in 839 as a result of unheard of natural disasters, universal djut (massive die-out of cattle) and death of the population. The tragedy culminated in internal revolt and especially by the arrival of the Kirgiz army. The population of central and eastern parts of the Kaganate, trying to leave the deadly place, looked for salvation beyond its limits [Malyavkin, 1972, p. 29-35]. One of the groups, headed by Ogya-Kagan (Ch. Utsze), came to the Great Wall, but then changed direction and fled northeast, to the Shivei tribe Kheichetszy (literally: "Black Wagoneers") who belonged to the Kangju (Kangar) confederation (?) or were identical with it.
Note that the Khingan Kangju (Kangar) in the described events does not have any relation to the Sogdak trading colony Kangju (Kangar) on the Lop Nor [about it, see Pelliot, 1916]: in the mutual relations between dominating military-political forces, the colonist traders never participated directly, and observed a wise neutrality. The new edition of the “History of Tang dynasty" says: "Utsze-Kagan lost strength, and began to live with a support of Kangju (Kangar), he moved completely the remaining clans to [this] Kheichetszy tribe" [Ouyan Sü, ch. 212, p. 1487, f. 9а]. A little differently states the Old edition: “Having suffered defeat, Uigur Utsze-Kagan did not even dare to approach [our] border. He begged Kangju (Kangar) about assistance, and moved the remaining clans to [these] Kheichetszy and has trusted them" [Lü Süy, ch. 180, p. 1304, f. 4а].
The term Shivei in the texts of that time is equivalent to “Tatars”,therefore the combination Kheichetszy-Shivei is identical to Kheichetszy-Tatars [Chen Dechji, 1986, p. 4-5]. These were Tatars-Oguzes. Judging by the context of the material about them in the annals, Kheichetszy ("Black Wagoneers”)were also called Shivei-Kheichetszy. In Chinese the combination С1774, 4075 Khetsze/Khese means “peacemaking" (~ “peacemakers”). The lands of Kheichetszy-Khese were one thousand (or: thousands) li from the borders of Tang, and centered around the lake Hulun (Külün, Dalai-Nor) [Van Govej, 1959, p. 624]. Shivei-Tatars were of seven tribes. A little more than hundred years before the described events, they were mentioned by the author of the ancient Türkic Ongin inscription: bu tabγachda jiraja beg (äteg?) oγuz ara jeti eren jaγi bolmish": “From these Tabgaches (i.e. China) in the North among (?) Oguzes seven leaders were enemies" (O, 5). Uigurs found shelter among these seven tribes and were distributed between them.
Disturbed by the safe for the Uigurs outcome of events, the Chinese emperor send to the Kirghiz ruler a message with a demand for “final solution" in total extermination: ”... Is it possible to leave decaying ashes? Kheichetszy... dare to keep hostile relations. This is a neglect of you, so far as they had not submitted. If this can be tolerated, then what is impossible to tolerate?! “[Suprunenko, 1963, p. 77]. By promises and payoffs the Tang officials managed to accomplish that his own tribesmen killed Utsze. And that happened in 846 in the Shivei Golden Mountains (Tszinshan), on the Great Khingan. In their turn the Kirghiz detachments occupied Shivei lands. The “Kirghiz great power" was not short-lived, the tribes of the Inner Mongolia felt it for two more centuries.
In the above schematical review of the names and events in a seven-year time interval the main fact is that in the ninth century AD on the slopes of Great Khingan still lived and functioned Kangju (Kangar)(Kangha-dahyu, *Kangha-dih, Kang-dih), the archaic hieroglyphic record of which name goes back to the last centuries BC. The search of the Khingan area of Kangju (Kangar) is difficult. Help in this task comes from be work of Rashid ad-din “Djami" at-tavarih"("Collection of annals”), and in particular, its news about the ten-tribe association of Djalairs in the Inner Mongolia.
The term Djalair (~ Yyalair) is the Mongolian variation of the name for a “royal" tribe of the Second Uigur Kaganate Yaglakar~yala er. In favor of this are also other grounds published in one earlier articles of the author [Zuev, 1972].
In a number of texts about Kaganate the Uigurs are called On-Uigur Toquz Oγuz "ten tribes of Uigurs of the confederation Tokuz-Oguzes”," Тokuz-Oguz ten tribes of Uigurs”.The Manichaeism of the Kaganate Uigurs is reflected in the epithet of the "royal" Djalairs cha'at (from Mong. chagan "white", "pure", it is a primary color in Manichaeism). Djalairs are the descendants of the Uigur Utsze-Kagan, who migrated to Kangju (Kangar). Probably, by the end of the 13th - beginning of of the 14th centuries, when Rashid ad-Din was writing, Djalairs already migrated from the Kangju (Kangar) to the area of modern Chjalait banner of the Inner Mongolia. Therefore the author of the annals names district Kyma (? Kyme) as the former lands of Djalairs, in the Karakorum [Rashid ad-Din, 1965, p. 132]. The district Kyma (Kime?) probably corresponds to the Chinese designation of the Southern Khentei and then the northern part of the Great Khingan С588, 10702 Tszinwei (< kiəm-mjwei). The third in the Djalair confederation was named the tribe kanga'ut (Mong. pl. of the word kanga).
That was the location area of the eastern-most part of Uigurs after the fall of the Kaganate. Precisely there, instead of on its central lands in the Mongolia proper are projected the news of Rashid ad-Din about ten-tribe Uigurs who lived along ten rivers. The tenth of the rivers was called Utikan. Along it lived the tribe whose name in different manuscripts of the composition is written differently: in the Tashkent manuscript “---”,in the Teheran manuscript “---”,in the Petersburg manuscript “---”,in the Paris manuscript “---" [Rashid ad-Din, 1965, p. 336]. J. R.Hamilton found the version in the Paris manuscript to be authentic and read it qaγan ati with the meaning “Kagan's name”,i.e. the name of the Kagan tribe [Hamilton, 1962, p. 47]. Neither mountains, nor the rivers with the name Utikan were on east slopes of Great Khingan, and likewise the Kagan could not be mentioned the last in the list of the tribes subordinated to him.
Most probably, the name of the river Utikan is also mistaken, and Utikan should be Kan. That was the name for the right tributary of the river Argun. As to the differently read “---”,to the number of variations in its possible spelling should be added the name of city in the country of Tatars “---" [Ibid, p. 160] and the name “---"from among nine tribes which were to the left of Chin - China in the direction of Sun rising, between the Chin and Khirkhizes" in the Hudud al-alam and in the work of al-Marvazi [Minorsky, 1942, p. 26, 85-88].
For the Muslim writers in the 9th-10th centuries all territories of that area were “terra incognita”.The situation changed after creation of the Kidan (Kytan, Kytai, Khitan) state Liao (907-1125) in the Manchuria territory, which begun seeking contacts with the countries of the west. In one of the kasyds the 11th century poet Farrohi said that the Kidan ruler Kyta-khan offered Muhmud Gaznevi an alliance and friendship [Köprülü, 1944, p. 427]. In Persia the interest to this area increased because in the Persian belief, there was located one of the Kang forts (dez) of popular among them hero of Siyavush epos. Abu Reihan Biruni wrote about it “Yamakoti, as mentioned Yakub [ibn Tarik] and it al-Fazari, is located in a place where in the sea is a city, named Tara (< Middle Persian tandra, tara “black”,city of Siyavush name). Because the koti means “citadel”,and Yam is an angel of death, this word brings the image of Kang-dize, about which the Persians are telling that Keikaus or Djam (i.e. Yima - author) built it in the most remote east, beyond a sea. Keihusrau crossed the sea to Kang-diz, following the Türk Afasiab, and when Keihusrau abandoned his rule he went there and lead a hermit's life (Kang-diz comes to mind), because in the Persian language the word diz means “citadel”.Abu Mashar al-Balhi composed his geographical script, adopting Kang-diz as a zero longitude, or a first meridian “[Biruni, 1963, p. 278].
Two more examples illustrate the theme. In the "Shahname", the Turanian ruler Afrasiab, who killed Siyavush, tries avoid the revenge for his deed. He is going to hide in the fort of the killed by him Siyavush. The road passed through the Fierce sea Zereh. Kei Hosrau is revenging the death of his father. Afrasiab sends him a message:
Before reciting the concrete insert-story about this area from “Djami at-tavarih”,some preliminary explanations are needed. The sea here is the large lake Dalai-Nor (Mong. dalai “sea”), and the river instead of Ergune or Ergene is called Ankure. Here the Dalai-Nor on border of Mongolia with China, into which runs the river Keluren/Kerulen, is confused with Dalai-Nur in the Gobi physico-geographical area of the Inner Mongolia, and the river Angur-gol feeding it [Murzaev, 1955, p. 157]. The river Kam is one of frequently repeated names of the river Kan. The city is called “---”.From the previous context and the variations of in the name Kangha (namely *kanka-dih) the name can be confidently reconstructed “---" *Kankati. The word alakchin in the Mongolian means “motley-horsemen”.Laktan “---" (instead of “---”,compare Ch. Lotan < Lak-tan) is the name of the Kimek tribe. Münggü “---" (compare Mong. münggü “silver”). Usutu mangus “---" (instead of Mong. “river dragon”). Keluren “---"(instead of “---”)
In 1201 at a kurultai at the Silver Spring Arkui/Alkui-bulak (compare Tocharian B arkώi “silver”,"white”)was formed anti-Chingiz coalition of eleven Tatar and several Mongolian tribes from Argun river area. Descending downstream along Argun (Ergune) before its merging with the river Kan (compare Kam, ch. Kan), they elected the Djadaran Chjamuk a Gurkhan [Van Govej, 1959, p. 683-684]. Briefly mentioning it, Rashid ad-din invokes a story not connected with the previous text:
”... They lived on the lower reaches of the rivers. After these rivers merge they form the river Ergune. This river is extremely big. On it lives one Mongolian tribe (kavm mogol) which name is Usutu Mangus. Its borders [its settlement] now adjoin [lacuna in the text; in the presumed Chinese primary source “with Uigurs”]. That river is near the city named Kankati, and it is located in the place where Ergune merge with river Kam. This city belongs to the possessions of Kyrkyzes. It is said that this river flows to the area near sea. Silver (nakre) is there everywhere. The names of that area are Alakchin, Laktan, Müngü and Keluran. It is said that all horses there are tobiano (ala), each horse is strong as a four-year-old camel, all tools and utensils are from silver" [Rashid ad-din, 1965, p. 160; 1952, vol. 1, book 1, p. 101-102].
In second half of the 17th century an abbreviated Türkic translation of this text was included in Abu-l-Gazi composition "Family tree of Türks”.Impressed by in the Persian text with the words Kyrkyz and Kam, similar to the traditional appellation Kem of the Enisei, a Khivan writer also changed the spelling Ankura to Angara [see Desmaisons, 1874, p. 44]. In Tobolsk in the beginning of the 18th century had familiarized with this work a captive Swedish officer Tabbert, who subsequently received a Russian nobility and a von Stralenberg surname. He was a historian and a traveller. He knew about induction of silver mines in the Argun basin. Shtralenberg suggested that the city Kankati was on the bank of the river Argun [Stralenberg, 1730, p. 335]. This guess is now also confirmed by the above quotation.
But there also is archeological evidence. In 1735, G.F.Miller from the results of his travel to Central Asia, and in particular to the Argun basin, wrote a detailed article "About ancient monuments in Selenga and Nerch districts”."12 verstas (1 versta = 1.06 км) below the city of Tsurukhaitu river Gan runs into Argun, and in a versta or less below Gan from the same side a river Khaul runs into Argun. The land between them is flat. The only small mountain rises at equal distance from both rivers, about 10 verstas from Argun. Near the southern foothill of this mountain is a fort, a most remarkable among other antique monuments in these places. The fort is surrounded with a bulwark (of human height), embracing a quadrangular space approximately 300 sajen (1 sajen = 2.13 м) and a moat. In the middle of each line of bulwark is a gate, which can be approached not directly, but sideways. They are protected by semicircular embankment which connected on the other end with the bulwark. On the corners are ledges similar to bastions. The sides of bulwark correspond to the four geographical directions. In the middle of the space protected by the mentioned bulwark, there is another quadrangular bulwark, identical with the first in height, from north to south 80, and from east to west 40 sajen. Above the fort is built another fort like a citadel. Half of the space occupied by this citadel, nearest to the north and more raised, is similar to a thrust in a cradle cross of the same height with bulwark. Nearby the external bulwark to the east is a hole which is looking like a well collapsed long time ago. Apparently, once there was plentiful water in a spring, already dry. Not less attention in the Argun districts deserves the bulwark in a straight line known between Tunguses and Mongols under a name Kerim “[Miller, 1937, 1, p. 514-516]. E.N.Shirokogorova wrote in 1915 “About six versts from the estuart of Gan is a small town where inhabitants found roof tiles, stone plates and sculptures, used by local population to ornament a church.
In the same year was undertaken an attempt of archeological study of that district. Its results, unfortunately, have not been published. The local population (already Tungus) at that time preserved a legend that ancient settlements along Gan and its tributary Terbulu were constructed by Gantimur from the Daur clan Bayagir, who coached away to the west with his son [Shirokogorova, 1919, p. 3-8]. It is easy to see that in the name of the legendary “builder" Gantimur is reflected the name of the Kankati fortress.
- Kategori: EARLY TÜRKS: ESSAYS on HISTORY and IDEOLOGY
- Oluşturulma tarihi: Cuma, 08 Nisan 2011 13:21
- Son güncelleme: Pazar, 04 Eylül 2011 15:36
- Yayın tarihi: Cuma, 08 Nisan 2011 13:21
- Yazar: Yu. A. Zuev
- Gösterim: 554
A first mention of the term Türgesh (in a combination Türk Türgish yir "Türkic and Türgesh country") is focused on the events of the 629, and is included in the Uigur translation of the Biography of Chinese Buddhist pilgrim to India Süan-tszan, composed by a monk Huei-li [Gabain, 1935, p. 159-160, 1949, p. 56-57, notes].
In 651 a tribe Türgesh-Halach (Türgish-Halach, ch. Tutsishi-He-loshi) was enumerated as fourth of five tribes of the left (eastern) wing of the Western Türkic Kaganate [Lu Sui (Xu Liu), ch. 1946, p. 1446, f. 5а, Ouyang Xiu , ch. 215б, p. 1506, f. 5б, Chavannes, 1903, p. 34, 60] (collectively, the five tribes of the left/eastern wing of the Western Türkic Kaganate are known as Nushibi - Translator's Note). The tribes of the left wing were coaching east from the river Ili. In 657, right after suppression of the anti-Tang revolt of Aru-kagan (Ch. Helu < γa-luo < *aru, compare Türkic, aru "pure", "true") and correspondingly the fall of the Western Kaganate, Tan's a court undertook division its lands into districts.
Türgeshes consisted of two tribes (Ch. bu) (bu 部 = branch) [Bichurin, 1, p. 292: generations]. On the lands of the first tribe Soge Mohe was founded a Tutuk district Valu. On the lands of the second tribe Alishi was founded a Tutuk district Pure/White mountain Tsze-shan [Ouyan Sü, ch. 215b, p. 1507, f. 7а].
The term С14369, 7272 Soge (< sak-kat < saqal) does not mean a Türkic "beard", but is a Türkic transmission of the Manichaean name Sakla (skl'). In the Mani teaching this name is carried by the creator of Adam and Eve. The word С8428, 13865 Mohe (< mak-γa < baγa) ascends to the to Avestan baγa "god". The combination *Sakla-baga means "Sakla-god". (By an improbable concurrence, Skl' is also an endoethnonym of a regal Scythian tribe, and it also survived as Esegel in the Bulgarian Kama-Itil interfluvial, and as Sekler in the Hungarian Transylvania. Must be some kind of selective Skl influenza impacting only horse breeders and kumis drinkers - Translator's Note)
The word С5042, 4873, 12466 Alishi (< a-lyi-sie < arish) - Arysh is Türkic "pure", "sacred".
Probably, both tribes constituted a two-member confederation called Halach in the Huei-li message of 651. The two-tribe composition of Halaches-Kalaches is confirmed by the Sogdo-Türgesh legend about a Black prince Shu conveyed by Mahmud Kashgari, in which to the gathering center for a far-off campaign came two Halach people with loads on their backs [Kashgari Mahmud, 3, p. 422].
Relicts of this condition survived in the mythic legend of the Persian version of the "Oguz-name", also known in German and Russian translations [Jahn, 1969, Shukürova, 1987]. Neither Türgesh, nor Halach/Qalach are mentioned directly. Is only given a "Mongolian" etymology of the name kalsan-ku for aged people (compare ancient Türkic qal "old man") [Shukürova, 1987, p. 32]. Another etymology of the term Kalach comes from a two-element word (kal+ach) and is variously interpreted: "remain" (from qal- "to remain", "to remain hungry", ach "hungry"), "remain and open" (verb ach "to open") [Kononov, 1958, p. 46, 89, Minorsky, 1937, p. 286, 346-348]. In reality, the Halach word Halach/Kalach ascends to ala, alach, alacha "motley", "piebald" (see above p.130). The prothetic consonant h-(> q-) in the beginning of the words in ancient Türkic time was typical for many Türkic languages, and first of all for the Halach language [Рорре, 1983, p. 112-120].
In this version of "Oguz-name" the location of the "old men" caste was Ak-kaya ("White/Pure rock") district. It says "Ak-kaya in Persian means a pass in the white (sefid) mountains near Almalyk" [Shukürova, 1987, p. 32]. Chinese source names only one residence for one of the two Halach tribes, the mountain (or mountains) called Arysh С14379 Tsze "Pure" [alternatives: Malyavkin, 1989, p. 164].
Terms Uchjile and Shato
In the credo of Light, as the Mani doctrine was called, the concepts "white" and "pure" are important. At the very end of the 7th century became famous the name of the Türgesh leader С7696, 13905, 8068 Uchjile/Yuychjile (< uo/iwo-tsiet-lak), also С7696, 3270, 8068 Ushele/Yuyshele (< uo/iwo-ziet-lak) who became a Kagan. The attempts of reconstruction in the form Uchlig and Uch-elig (the first by the author, and the second by S.G.Klyashtorny) are possible, but incorrect. The paragraph about Shato tribe С6836, 12026 in the "General description" begins with the words: "Shato are the leaders of the Türgeshes [who are] from northwestern foreigners" [Chjen Tsiao, ch. 29, f. 13а]. The transcription Shato (<sa-d'a) ascends to the initial "shada" of the Türkic-Manichean texts from Turfan [Haneda, 1932, p. 3] and the ancient Indian "shada" (compare Avest. shata) "hundred".
The regal surname of the Western Türkic initially Manichean Chigil tribe (< compare Persian chihil "forty") was Shato (Persian ~Shada "Hundred"), they founded a Hou-Tan state (923-936) in the Northern China, and adopted a Chinese surname Li. Its famous founder Li Keün was from the "Dragon" tribe [Malyavkin, 1974, p. 100, Li Fan, ch. 425, p. 3458-3459]. A cult of dragon was predominant at the Shato Türks. The annals even noted the Shato were praying "following the old traditions of the northern custom" near the Thunder-mountain, at the Dragon Gate [Se Tszüichjen, ch. 32, p. 225, f. 4b].
The Yenisei monuments of the ancient Türkic writings, a part of which certainly reflects the Kyrgyzes' Manichaeism state status, sometimes called the Kyrgyz state "tängri-el" - a "country of gods", i.e. paradise, for which a presence of the "yüz er" - "hundred monk men" consortium is typical. In the second monument (S.E.Malov translation) instead of "yüz er" was written "shada er", followed by a Chinese epithet "ulung", which ascends to the Chinese С12272 lun (long < liώong) "dragon": "I left the divine El, [I left] the dragon's hundred men" - tüngri el ulung shada erimke adyryldim [Malov, 1952, p. 37, E, 14, line 3]. The Türkic equivalent of the term is also documented. The "Common Mirror" says: "Shato is initially (or from the root, ch. ben) a Chjuse tribe" [Syma Qian, ch. 223, p. 7169]. The transcription С9188, 3538 Chjuse (< t'siu-zia) reflects the Türkic jüz "hundred"
Chigils-Shato were Manichaeans, and the "hundred" is not always a military unit, but also a religious category yüz er "hundred monk men", found for example in a number Enisei monuments of the ancient Türkic writings with Manichaean content. And the yüz er, compared with otuz oglan or otuz er, is a higher level category. This leads to re-interpret the name of the Türgesh Kagan, and to read it Yuzlik (~Yüzlig) "With a hundred monk men". The previous existence of the Oguz institute of yuzliks is indicated by a blunted record in the "Turkmen Genealogy" [Kononov, 1958, p. 52, 94, line 565].
The first two hieroglyphs (С7696, 3270) of the transcription Uchjile/Yuychjile denote "black substance", "black attribute". It is not without a reason. The "black essence" of the historical Türgesh Yuzlik links him with the image of the epic "Black/Pitch-black stallion" (or "Black husband") Siavarshana/Siyavush in "Avesta" and "Shahname", who came to Kang with a hundred noble young men, and with the "Black prince" Shu (Shav) with a forty young men retinue on the right bank of the Hodjent river (Syr-Darya in the Hodjent area), i.e. in the Kang in the Sogdian-Türgesh version of this myth recorded by Mahmud Kashgari [Zuev, 1998, p. 71-77]. The black color in this myth should be understood as an indication of the chtonic nature, of the terrestrial origin of the image which personified the deity of the dying and resurrecting nature. In the Manichaeism everything terrestrial and material (including the zone of mixed Light and Darkness, Truth and Lie, where belongs a man) is germinated by the world of Darkness (Türkic Kara). The king of that world is a Dragon.
The Türgesh Yuzlik descended from the tribe Sakal-baga, located in the land identified with hieroglyphs С1069, 11888, and in the beginning he was its tutuk commander. The first hieroglyph С1069 of this combination has a dual sound: u (< uet) and wa (< uət) [see Kang-si tszydyan, 1958, p. 131]. The second hieroglyph С11888 lu (< luo) means " imperial authority", "throne". The pronunciation is also in two ways: ulu (<uet-luo < *ulu) and walu (< uət-luo < *walu).
The real fall of the Western Türkic statehood should be attributed to the time of suppression the anti-Tang rebellion of Helu-Kagan and establishment of the Tang's "protectorate" in the "Western Territory" in the 656-658. Switching to the Tang side, the subsequent Western Türkic Kagans in most cases were only nominal Kagans, they had no access to the territory of the tribes formally subjected to them. Searching for the ways to restore their position on the most of the Trade Road, the Tang court took a deceitful course. In 679 to the Jeti-su came, under a pretense of a diplomatic embassy heading to Persia, a Tang detachment led by Pei Sintszyan. With the mission ostensibly was a successor to the Persian throne. The leaders of ten tribes, led by Kagan Tugchi, were seized by the punitive forces upon their coming to Suyab with a visit on the occasion of the forthcoming enthronization the Persian prince. The annals say "From that time the western surnames have weakened totally, and subsequently the people of both parts (i.e. Dulu and Nu-shibi) with every coming day began to separate and dissipate more and more".
In those years a new military-political force came on the stage in Jeti-su, headed by Nezuk-irkin and a Türgesh Chykan-ulug (Ch. Chjihan-khulu), aiming to purge the Tan's viceroy from Suyab and to create a new Kaganate. The nominal head of the western wing (Türkic on-shadapyt) *Borishad, with a Kagan name Huselo (compare Persian Khusrau), unnoticeably left the political stage, he was still a "Kagan", bore the Tang title "commander-in-chief of the pacification army in the west", but "did not dare" even to think about returning back to Jeti-su, where the groups of the rebel force was already completely dominant. The Menchi viceroy Huselo gathered 60-70 thousand of the remaining people, and left to the Tan's lands [Syma Guan, ch. 200, Du Ü, ch. 199, Naito, 1987, p. 307-309].
That part of the Türgeshes had the horde court in the city on the bank of the Ili river С7968, 5845 Guniue (< kiwong-ngiwät < *Küngüt) Kungut, identified with the later Kuldja [Naito, 1987, p. 69-72, 265, 271, Tsen Chünmian, 1958, p. 191: Almalyk; Malyavkin, 1989, p. 310]. In the 11th century Mahmud Kashgari also knew in this area a district "__" Küngüt, and even visited it [MKM, 1, p. 159; 3, p. 149]. He gave two versions of pronouncing this word, Küngüt and "__" Kengüt, coinciding with the versions of the discussed above names for the country Kang: Küngü, Kängü, with Sogdian plural suffix -t.
Following are cited some events from the Kungut history. In 651 the area (?) is mentioned in connection with the anti-Tang of the uprising Western Türkic Aru-Kagan [Lü Süy, ch. 4, p. 40, f. 3a]. In 662 (a tribe?) Guniue allied with Tibetians faced the Tan an army south from Kashgar [Van Tsinjo, ch.. 449, p. 5324, f. 10b]. The next year (area?) Guniue was attacked by a expeditionary army of the Ansi viceroy Gao Syan [Ouyan Sü, ch. 3, p. 33, f. 6b]. In 665 the state (go) Sule (Kashgar) and Guniue together with Tibetians invaded Hotan [Van Tsinjo, ch. 995, p. 11687, f. 15b]. In 673 the rulers (van) of the states Guniue and Sule ask with the request for sumission [Lü Süy, ch. 5, p. 47, f. 5b].
In the following years a group from Guniue, Tibet and a tribe Emyan conquered Sule, but under a threat of Tang intrusion "came to the court" [Syma Guan, ch. 202; Tsen Chünmian, 1958, p. 186]. Active economic relations of Guniue with the Kucha state are noted [Sintszyan, 1983, p. 333-334]. In 699 came a news that the city Guniue became a secondary court of Türgesh Yuzlik-Kagan.
About the pre-Kagan the period of the Yuzlik life is only known that he was a Buga- tarkan in "state" of the puppet Kagan of the right wing Khusrau (Khuselo). In 699 he received a rank of the "commander-in-chief of the pacification army in the west" [Ouyan Sü, ch. 215b, p. 1508, f. 8а]. The annalistic version of this rank differs from its official one, which probably is reflected in the text of the "Primary turtle", as has noted A.G.Malyavkin, the task of the army is stated there specifically: "suppression and pacification of Suyab" [Van Tsinjo, ch. 964, p. 11341, f. 10b]. "At that time the military might of Yuzlik extremely increased; Huselo did not dare to come back (to Suyab); with sixty - seventy thousand of his tribesmen he moved to the Tang lands. He died in Chanan". The New edition "History of Tang dynasty" story about Yuzlik: "The Türgesh Yuzlik [was also a leader] of a separate tribe of the western Türks. After, was crushed and humiliated Aru-(Kagan), the Kagans of two groups (i.e. Dolu and Nu-shibi) first of all joined the imperial service, and the barbarians did not have (true) sovereigns. Yuzlik depended from Huselo, he was [his] Baga-tarkan. Huselo ruled severely, and people ttook to dislike to him. Yuzlik, on the contrary, managed to calm the subjects. IHe enjoyed their respect and trust; all barbarians subordinated and joined him; gradually their coachings increased. And then he established posts of twenty Tutuk (dudu) leaders; every Tutuk had seven thousand soldiers. He gathered forces northwest of Suyab.
Attacking little by little, he has taken hold of Suyab, transferred there his court and began living there. He named the valley of the river Suyab a Great Court, and the city of Guniue on the river Ili a Small Court. In the east his possession were adjacent with northern Türks, and in the west with Sogdaks (Hu), directly in the east were districts Si-Chjou (Turfan) and Tin-Chjou (Beitin, Beshbalyk). He took hold of all lands belonging to Huselo" [Ouyan Sü, ch. 2156, p. 1508, f. 8b, Bichurin, 1, p. 296, Chavannes, 1903, p. 79].
Se Tszunchjen believes that the former court of Yuzlik was in Guniue, on the river Ili [Se Tszunchjen, 1992, p. 642-643], though the statement "northwest from Suyab (city or valley of the river Chu?)" point to the area of Syr- Darya or Talas Kang (versus Ili). Maybe, the pronouncement of Kungut as a Small court was dictated by an idea of "pankangism". As the Small court, Kungut is named only once, but it is known that "younger brothers" of the Türgesh dynasts ruled in Talas. According to al-Idrisi work, the residence of the Azgish (~"Az kishi" “Az people", Azes) people ruler was fortress Ika in a valley of the river Ili [Agadjanov, 1969, p. 63]. But from the analysis of the Big runiform inscriptions of Mongolia, the Azes were Kara-Türgeshes from the Talas valley. The Talas ruler controlled the city Yigyan-kent belonging to the Kagan’s nephew on the maternal side, there was a Manichaean monastery, and at the same time it was an demesne of the widowed and sitting Türgesh Katun queens. Therefore, probably the small court of the Türgesh Kagans was in Talas, the records about it ascend to the turn of the eras.
Moisei Horensky's (7th century) work "Armenian geography" next to Alans mentioned a tribe Ashtigor (< *Ash/As+Tigor/Tokar) [Patkanov, 1883, p. 30, Marquart, 1903, p. 169-171]. This two-component ethnonym is a late version of the binomials Ottorocorra, Attacori and others, i.e. Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) of the Chinese sources.
Noting the existence of the tribes Se (Sak) and Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) (Asi and Tochar) in the Usun country (Asman), Chjan Tsian (Pin. Zhang Qian) did not know that their main area immediately before the start of the "Bactrian storm" was Kangju in the basin of Syr-Darya. Strabo listed tribes Ases or Asians, Tochars and Sakarauks or "White Sakas" as conquerors of Bactria, coming from Yaksart. Three centuries after the "storm", the Ptolemy "Geography" (6, 2, 6) mentioned Tochars and Yati/Asi, living along Yaksart. B.I.Vainberg writes: "Per Ptolemy, in the middle course of Syr-Darya are recorded "Tochar" people, near (downstream) of the confluence of its tributaries. It can be concluded that in the defeat of Greko-Bactria participated only a part of the Tochars, and a significant number of them remained in the traditional places, in the Tian Shan, near Yaksart and within and on the borders of Sogd" [Vainberg , 1999, p. 255].
One more path of the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) migrations through Kangju is through the country of Yantsai, which stretched from Aral to the Northern Caucasus. There the Moisei Horensky Ash/As-Tigor tribe was replaced with Duhsas (< *Duhs+As). Known now only in the fragments of the Arabian writer Al-Jehani's lost work, Ibn Ruste description around 870es informed that Duhsases reigned over four Alanian tribes [Karaulov, 1971, p. 51, Czegledi, 1983, p. 51-52]. The Tigors (~Tochars) did not disappear from the ethnic map of this region, Digors live with the western Ossets - Alans until present [Maenchen-Helfen, 1945, p. 80], in the Middle Ages the tribe Düger was one of significant tribes of the Oguz-Turkmen [Rashid ad-Din, 1965, p. 120], and during relatively modern times the Aral Sea continued to be called Daukara, i.e. "Tocharian" [Tolstov 1950, p. 49-50]. A compiler of the Assyrian Sinnaherib inscription (681 BC) used a phonetic version of the term Tochar, Tuhusu [Umnyakov, 1946 , p. 311], which is reflected in the archaic Duhs/Tuhs. Hence, Duhs-Ases are the same As-Tigors with rearranged components.
About an origin of Türgesh Kaganate founders the written sources are silent. It can be discussed only relying on some available indirect data. A Persian author Gardizi used the work of a pioneer of the Arab historical prose Ibn Muqaffa for existing in his time some unique in their degree of authenticity messages about Türks. The historical news in that work in a significant part were gathered from Pahlevi records and legends.
The Pehlevi texts were destroyed and were already forgotten in the first centuries of Islam domination as containing Zoroastrian heresy.Azpeople", "people of Azes") between Türgeshes and Kypchaks [Velihanova, 1986, p. 66].
Mahmud Kashgari tells about Azgish location in Uzkend [Kashgari Mahmud, 1, p. 122]. Al-Idrisi steted that the residence of Azgish was in the city Ika located in the Ili river valley [Agadjanov, 1969 , p. 65].
The Rus annals reflected the ethnonym As (in the form Asupa: As + upa/oba "tribe") in the form of a proper name. Under a year 1103 was recorded: "... And from the army of the prince were killed 20: Ourusoba, Kchiy, Arslanapa, Kitanopa, Cuman, Asupa... " [Ipatiev annals, 1962, p. 279]. The term As is widely represented in the modern Türkic ethnonymy [Potapov, 1969, p. 160-168, Kuzeev, 1973, p. 228-230, 232, 466].
The first news about Toksoba are found exclusively in the context of the Rus princely internecine strives: "And then came to him (to prince Svetoslav) [his] friends Kipchaks, Toksobans, and he appointed Sudimir, Kochebich and Goren to them, and send them against Smolnyans, and faught with Upper Ugrs" [Collection, 1949, p. 40]. Another record relates to the year 1152: "And went Yuryi with his sons, and with Rostovians and with Suzdalians.., and also Kipchaks, Orplüevs and Toksobans, and all Kipchak land, everybody from between Volga and Dniepr" [Collection, 1949, p. 56]. An annalistic story about a campaign of the Sever (Suvar) prince Igor Svyatoslavich in the 1185 against Kipchaks, from an unknown manuscript, was found in the A.F.Malinovsky papers, one of the first researchers of the "Tale of the Igor campaign". Among the Kypchak leaders, resisting the Rus princeses, is named Tokosbich [Dmitriev, 1960, p. 195]. According to another, also unknown manuscript used by V.N.Tatishchev to write his "Russian History", the Kypchak prince Konchak was a Tuskobich [Tatischev, 3, p. 139]. Both variations of the name are distorted, they ascends to Toksoba(n)/Tuksoba(n), with Slavic patronymic (affix -ich) rendition of the Kypchak name Toksoba/Tuksoba.
A Polish orientalist A.Zajaczkwski pointed to the descriptions by the eastern writers about the Tuhsi tribe and the term oba meaning "tribe" (country, place to live, encampment, etc., akin to IE's root in "habitat", "obituary" etc. The connection can't be missed - Translator's Note). He suggested that the real proto-type of the annalistic Toksoba was Tuhsi + оbа (~Toksy + оbа) meaning "Toksu tribe" [Zajaczkwski, 1949, p. 41]. Russian scientist N.A.Baskakov suggested that it corresponds to Tokus + оbа "nine clans" [Baskakov, 1984, p. 74], but the American researcher P.B.Golden rejected reconstruction with numeral tokus "nine", and proposed connecting the origin of the word Toksoba with the name of the Türgesh tribe Tuhs/Tuhsi, who had the ruling ("royal") clan Sharukan "dragon" [Golden, 1979-1980 , p. 306-307].
The symbol of the Türgesh Tuhses during the Yuzlik and Sakal rule was a dragon Ulu, originating in the Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) antiquity. The tamga of Toksobans or their ruling clan is still unknown. The Tuhsian tamga on the coins is or [Smirnova, 1981, p. 60, fig. 35 : 1, 2], identical with the tamga of the 8th century Edizes , and similar with the Türks-Ashtaks tamga [Van Pu, ch. 72, p. 1306, Zuev, 1960, p. 132], has a direct parallel on the coins Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) - Kushan kings in the tamga images of three and four headed dragon Ajdahak (compare Fig. 5incl.) [Akishev, 1984, p. 109]. The "Sharukan's city" of the Kipchaks-Toksobas also had the name Snake's (Zmiev - Translator's Note) and Scale (Cheshuev - Translator's Note)[Ahinjanov, 1989, p. 133-134].
The Muslim writers Ibn Haldun and Abu Hajan articulated that the Tugs-oba/Toks-oba tribe were a Kypchak tribe [Golden, 1979-1980, p. 306-307, Caferoglu, 1931, p. 106, Marquart, 1914, p. 157, Tiesenhausen, 1884, p. 540-542]. Until recent times, the memory about Toksoba endured as an eponym Toksoba in the Bashkir genealogies [Kuzeev, 1973, p. 120-121] and in the onomastics of the Siberian Tatars [Tumasheva, 1987, p. 46]. The Kazakhs even preserved the ethnonym itself. A branch of a clan Baibaksy in the Kazakh Junior Juz is called Toksoba [Vostrov, Mukanov, 1968, p. 94-95].
The distinction of Ili's Kang was that it was an integral part of the Syr Darya's Kang. In the Middle Ages the river Syr-Darya was called Seyhun. A Chinese transcription of this word was С14585, 4324 Syhun (< si-khue) [Tsen Chünmian, 1958, p. 184]. As the travel guide describes, the city Guniue (Kungut) also was in the valley of river Seyhun (Syhun) flowing into Ili: "... crossing Wagon (translated to Russian "Telejnaya" = Wagon's - Translator's Note) mountain (Talki Pass), you come to the city Guniue (Kungut) and cross the valley of river Syhun (Seyhun) and [pass] city Chjishi-li (settlement Djebshid - lit.), [and then] cross the river Ili" [Ouyan Sü, ch. 40, p. 281, f. 11b, Chavannes, 1913, p. 13].
One of phonic versions of the transcription Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) was yati/yasi, coincident with ancient Indian jati "[moon]-eremite". This word left traces in the place names in the valley of the rivers Ili and Syr-Darya. Yasy is a name of a high-mountainous plateau near Turgen of the Almaty province, there is a branch of the astrophysical observatory. But Yasy also is a former name of (the city) Turkestan.
Lineal descendants of the Uechjies, the tribes Az and Tuhs, these "Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) in Kang", became an ethnopolitical foundation at creation of the Türgesh Kaganate. As V.Kotwicz believed, the term Türgesh consist of the base Türk and a Türkic affix of similarity -esh, and has a meaning of "similar to Türk", "co-Türk". It is totally identical to the nominal term Turkmen (Türk + Sogdian affix of similarity -myn ,-men) [Kotwicz, 1949, see objection in Amanjolov, 1999, p. 120-122]. The Türkic tribes of not Türkic dynastic mythological system were designated Turkmens (for example, Uigurs, Karluks, Kalaches and a number of other tribes were designated Turkmens), only later this word gained a meaning of a specific ethnonym. Participation of Sogdians in many processes of historical and cultural nature in the territory of the Central Asia can not be denied.
|Sogdak, Küngü, Tarban|
In political and geographical sense the medieval Sogd was a country in the Zeravshan and Kashkadarya valleys. By the 7th-8th centuries the Sogdian possessions in the Central Asian interfluvial from a language standpoint were Bukhara oasis (Ch. An), Ustrushana (Ch. Tsao), Kesh (Ch. Shi), Chach with Ilek (Ch. Shi-lo), Maymurg (Ch. Mi) and Samarkand Sogd (Ch. Kan). The Sogdian language was widely used in Chach (modern Tashkent) and in the Jeti-su cities. Sogd was on the intersection of the main East - West trade road, connecting Mediterranean with Pacific coast, and Sogdo-Persians were the main operators in its whole extent. In the depths of Eurasia and in the countries of the Far East, from the words of the trading Sogdians, whose numerous colonies and city-states were densely spread along all branches of the trade road, Sogd was known about, however they were called in each separate case, Scythian, Silk, Sable, Glass or something else [for example see Akishev, 1999]. The Chinese common designation for the Sogdo-Persians in the 6-9th centuries was С5848 Hu. The Sogdian (Hu) colonies were recorded in the E. Baikal area [Gohman, 1968], on Amur river [Van Tsinjo, ch. 972, p. 11421, f. 13b], on the Pacific coast [Shavkunov, 1985], etc. The Sogdian trading colonization of Eurasia and China within the walls began in 4-3rd centuries BC. The first Sogdian loans to the Chinese language belonged to that time [Henning, 1948, p. 606, 1965, p. 46].
In one of the most ancient Sogdian documents (the letter № 2 of the complete set of " Old letters "), the dated 197 AD, is given a clear picture of the wide trading exploration by the Sogdians of the Han China. Their trading colonies were in each significant city from Loyan (Sogdian srγ) and Chanan (Sogdian 'khώmt'n) to the Tszütsüan (Sogdian cώccny, *Chuchan) [Harmatta, 1972, p. 152-165]. Once, the Tszütsüan area (modern District Tszütsüan in the Gansu province, CPR) was a part of the of Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) confederation central lands. In the second century BC it was captured by Sünnu. In the 104 BC there was founded a Chinese district Tszütsüan [Malyavkin, 1981, p. 155]. It was an important point on the trade road with significant Sogdian population [Syan Da, 1957, p. 17, 31]. Mostly, they were from Bukhara (Ch. An).
Chinese received their first authentic news about the Türks (Sogdian tώrkyt) through one of them, a Sogdian of Bukhara origins by the name Nahband (Ch. Nopanto) [Harmatta, 1972а, p. 273], who became a trusted man at a the court horde of Tumen (Türkic Bumyn), the founder of the First Türkic Kaganate [Mori, 1967, p. 69-70]. From then on, the Sogdian traders invariably occupied important posts in the horde, and played considerable political role. The heads of the Sogdian colonies in the territory of the Kaganate were receiving the status of Iltebers [Mori, p. 71-89]. The Ilteber (Elteber, Eltuber) is a post and a rank of the ruler of a large subordinated tribe, appointed by Kagan [Golden, 1972, p. 49-50]. The following describes the position of the Sogdian consortiums in the Central Asian circle and its reflection in the texts of the ancient Türkic runiform monuments.
In the Kaganate, the Sogdian diasporas were going through with a Türkification process. As result of mixed marriages, sometimes Sogdians were gaining access in the highest spheres of power, and even gaining the noble (Kagan) surname Ashina (from the paternal tribal line?).
As noted M.Mori, one of the Sogdians bore a title Tegin (Prince), signifying that he was, or was considered as, a son or a younger brother of Kagan [Mori, 1967, p. 86]. Another Ashina tribesmen, a son of Torug-shad and a relative of the powerful Il-Kagan (Seli), enjoyed love and respect of the people and at the highest levels, but could not have a hereditary title "Shad" because his face was typical Sogdian. He was talented, and skilful in fortunetelling, so that when he subsequently ended up as a "Kagan of Türks and Sogdians" south from the Gobi desert, it found reflection in his title Ilbi-nezuk-elteber [Lü Süy, ch. 194а, p. 1439, f. 7а-8b]. There are many similar examples. From them follows a conclusion about Sogdian gradual penetration and Sogdian partial naturalization into the local life. A similar phenomena was already noted by science [Oransky, 1963, p. 83-84].
Frequently the Sogdian colonies outside of Sogd were called Suli/Sulik (from Sogdian sώγδyk "Sogdian") and Sogdak (from Sogdian sγδ'k) [Livshits, 1962, p. 80-81]. Sometimes (especially in the Chinese historiography) the Sogd itself was also designated so, the forms of hieroglyphic record of its name were investigated in detail by A.G. Malyavkin [1989, p. 221-223]. Quite often it used to mislead both annalists and modern researchers, who were not able to distinguish, for example, Sogd/Sogdak metropoly (mother country - Translator's Note) from the Sogdak colony in the Abzoya/Yantsai country [Zuev, 1995]. But the ancient Türkic runiform inscriptions of Mongolia precisely discriminate between them: the mother country was called Soγd (KTb, 52), and a colony was called Soγdaq (KTb, 31, BKb, 24, Tonyukuk, 46, Mogoin Shine Usu monument, 44, Terkh., 15). In the new ethno-linguistical environment the Sogdian adjective term sώγδyk/sώγδ'k "Sogdian" lost its previous attributive significance, it became a noun and began to follow the norms of the local language.
Sogdak was called the Sogdians' (Tats' ?) colony and trading port on the Crimea coast [Bartold, 1965, p. 489-490]. The term "Tat" survived as a self-name of the Crimean Tatars [Sevortian, 1966]("Tat" was also a name of Jewish and converted Muslims in the Crimea-Caucasus area, with a colloquial exoethnonym "Mountain Jews" in the Caucasus, and Crimean Tatar "Karaims" in the Crimea, by now all successfully deported or exiled from their native land - Translator's Note).
Sogdak was a part of the Abzoya/Yantsai state located on the Caspian-Aral section of the trade road [Zuev, 1995].
Sogdak (Ch. С9140, 5330 Su-te < siώok-dək) was called a district with Andarab city (Ch. Anala) in Tocharistan [Ouyan Sü, ch. 43b, p. 301, f. 8b, Malyavkin, 1989, p. 248, Chavannes, 1903, p. 68].
Sogdakians in the begining of the 8th century were called the inhabitants of the northern part of the China Shaanxi province. The ancient Türkic texts (KTb, 31, BK, 24) contain a story about 701 AD campaign of the Türkic army in Alty-chub-sogdak area. This composite for a long time did not render a satisfactory interpretation. A successful solution was found by S.G.Klyashtorny. He established that the expressionalti chub soγdaq is a calque of the Chinese name Liu-hu-Chjou "Six Sogdian districts" [Klyashtorny, 1964, p. 78-80, 93-94]. The subject is a specific event in a specific place, during specific time, with participation of specific people.
A.G.Malyavkin criticized this identification [1989, p. 257-259], asserting an idea that alti chub soγdaq is a "collective name of all Sogdians who lived in the numerous colonies located along the trade roads in the Central Asia". Leaving to the judgment of experts the legitimacy of that assertion, note the important fact that both inscriptions address not the Sogd mother country, but the Sogdak colony of six administrative districts inside the Tang's border. The number of the Sogdak families could be significant or totally small down to few, but together in ethno-social sense they were taken as a distinct community.
Sogdak trading colony (alongside with Tabgach trading colony) also existed on the banks of the river Selenga in the Second Uigur Kaganate in Mongolia. The text of a monument of the Uigur Eletmish-Kagan from the Mogon Shine Usu districtin Northern Mongolia (Mogoin Shine Usu monument, 44) tells about a construction of the citiy Bai-balyk by the Sogdaks and Tabgaches on the bank of the Selenga river (tributary of lake Baikal). The word bai "rich" precisely corresponds with the Chinese fugui "rich, rich and noble". Under the name Fugui it is also mentioned on the right bank of Selenga in the Tszya Dan travel guide [Ouyan Sü, ch. 43b, p. 304, f. 15b]. The Chinese author, giving a Chinese calque of the Türkic name Bai-balyk ("Rich city", possibly connected with the name of Bukhara capital Pai-kent), did not utter a single word about any connection of its population with the Tabgach state (Tang, China). The text of a stele erected during the lifetime of same Kagan displays that the heads of the colonies Sogdak and Tabgach had Türkic names [Terh., 15; Klyashtorny, 1980, p. 91].
Sogdak term was transmitted in Tibetan as Sog dag, Sog po [Uray, 1979, 303, Naito, 1987, p. 301]. The chronicles of Liao (907-1125) and Tszin (1115-1234) dynasties the term Sog po was transmitted by the Chinese rendition Tszubu, Tszupu [Wittfogel, Feng Chia-sheng, 1949, p. 101-102]. With time this word became a name of Türko-Tatars and Mongols of the Inner Mongolia [Van Govej, 1959, p. 834-850, Munkuev, 1975, p. 72, 176].
Mahmud Kashgari wrote "Sogdak are the people living in Balasagun. They are from Sogd, which is between Bukhara and Samarkand, but they look like Türks and have accepted their customs" [Kashgari Mahmud, 1, p. 437, Volin, 1960, p. 84]. And in another place, "Inhabitants of Balasagun speak Sogdian and Türkic. And also so do the inhabitants of Taraz and inhabitants of White city (Madinat al-Baida, Isfidjab, modern Sairam near Chimkent) " [Kashgari Mahmud, 1, p. 66, Volin, 1960, p. 83].
The Sogdian colonization of the Jeti-su was an important stage in ethno-, cultural, politico-social history of the Jeti-su region. Many pages in scientific editions were addressed to the Sogdian colonization of the Jeti-su region [Klyashtorny, 1964, p. 122-134, Livshits, 1981]. A first written testimony about Sogdians in Talas belongs to 568 AD [Menandr, 1861, p. 371]. Interesting data about it is contained in the records of Byan Tszi, who accompanied a Buddhist Monk Chjen Süantszan (usually in the literature Süan-tszan) in his travels to India through Jeti-su in 629 (Suyab, Talas, Isfidjab, Küngü, Nuchket, Chach and further). "...City Talas circumference measures 8-9 li (about 3,5 km). The land, and climate there are the same like in Suyab (modern fortress Ak-Beshim in the valley of river Chu).... Traversing from it southwest about 200 li, [we] arrived to the city on the White river (Isfidjab, Ispidjab), city circumference 6-7 li. Produce of the land and climate there is much better than in Talas. Traversing from there southwest about 200 li, [we] arrived to the city of Küngü (Ch. Gunüi < Kiώong- ngiwo < Küngü ~Küngü). City is 5-7 li in circle. Land there fertile, and woods magnificent and rich. From there south through 40 or 50 li [we] arrived to the Nuchket (Ch. Nuchitszian) state. The Nuchket state in circumference more than 1000 li. Land there is damp, suitable for agriculture, magnificent grasses and woods, a lot of colors and fruit, and also grapes which is valued high. There are one hundred cities, and each of them has a separate ruler. In their actions they do not depend one from another. And though they are separated from each other by wild tracts and are separated, commonly they are called Nuchket state. Crosing from there to the west more than 200 li, [we] arrived to the Chach state" [Zuev, 1960а, p. 91-92].
An inscription of Uigur Iltutmysh Tengri-khan from Kocho says the borders of his state extend from Shachjou (Sachiu) in the east to Nuch-Barshan in the west. In the explanation to its translation F.V.Müller identified Nuch-Barshan with Nuchket of the Buddhist records, and traced the western border of the Kocho princedom along Yaksart - Syr-Darya [Müller, 1915, p. 22, 26, compare Kamalov, 2001, p. 158-160]. Nuch-Barshan is known from the works of Muslim authors. In the "Book of roads and countries", composed mainly from the evidence of earlier authors, Ibn-Hordadbeh wrote that "from Chu valley east to the Upper Barshan on the border with the Chin (China) is 15 days for caravans along the pastures, and for Türks' mail 3 days of travel" [Velihanova, 1986]. He is echoed by Kudama ibn-Djafar [Volin, 1960, p. 74]. Idrisi also wrote about it [Minorsky, 1937, p. 295-296]. The exact position of the Upper Barshana was not established yet, but there are no reasons to identify it with Nuchket between Küngü and Chach.
In the characteristics of Nuchket, Byan Tszi repeats the words stated by him about Suyab and about the country west from it. "This city is 5-7 li in circle. In it are live intermixed merchants from different countries and Sogdians-Hu... Directly west from it are some tens of single cities, and each of them has a ruler. Though they do not depend one from another, but all of them submit to the Türks. The country from the Suyab city to the Tszeshuann state (Sogd with a capital in Kesh, modern Shahrisyabz) is called Suli " [Zuev, 1960а, p. 91]. In both cases the subject is the same country. In the Byan Tszi book it is called the Nuchket state, named after a first border city on the way of the traveller going from the east through Suyab-Talas-Isfidjab-Küngü. The western end of that country is precisely indicated in the fragment about Suyab: "to the Tszeshuann-Sogd" state.
The Sogd and that country are thus referred to as two different states (Ch. С3078 go - "state"). The name of that state is also given as Suli, ascending to sώγδyk [Livshits, Khromov, 1981, p. 349]. So, the Suli (Sogdak) of the Chinese author is not the Sogd itself. That is further pointed out by annalistic record of 658 AD, which named the city Nu(ch)ket a district S9140, 11484 Su-i (< siwok-diək < soγdyq~soγdaq) - Sogdyk/Sogdak [Ouyan Sü, ch. 436, p. 301, f. 96, Tsen Chünmian, 1958, p. 150, Malyavkin, 1989, p. 304]. That means that the city Sogdak was 17-19 km of travel south from Küngü. Calling Nuchket Navchket, O.I.Smirnova wrote: "To the number of private specialized fairs which became customary in the pre-Muslim time belonged the fair in Navchkat, which took place once in three months. The Navchkat, located on the border with steppe, was one of the trade centers with nomads. Navchkat was located on the trade roads that connected the nomadic steppe with the rich agricultural areas of Sogd" [Smirnova, 1970, p. 146-147]. In the end of the 10th century a Persian author wrote: "From Nuchket come the boatmen who work on the banks of Parak (Chirchik) and Hashart (Yaksart)". W.W.Bartold concluded that Nuchket was on the place of the Chirchik station [Bartold, 1963, p. 231, Minorsky, 1937, p. 118].
Active trade always paved a road for war. The Silk Road was not an exception to that rule. It was a road not only of trade and religious proselytism, but also of a war. Its separate sections are mentioned in the description of intra-dynastic wrangles in the Western Türkic Kaganate in the 641-642 AD, and connected with the name of Torug-Kagan (Ch. Dolu). The cause for the conflict was that Torug-Kagan hogged all the trophies wrung in a successful assault in the west, causing a sharp discontent of the leaders in both the left and right wings of the Kaganate. First he suffered a defeat from the leader of the left wing, from the Ulug-ok "chancellor" tribe (Ch. Khulu-u) near the Chach border. With the remnants of his army Torug hid behind the walls of the queen's city Katunket, north from the river Chirchik. He was booted out from the queen's fort by the right wing army headed by Kül-Erkin of the Ezgels (Ch. Asitszi) tribe. Torug-Kagan had found his last safe haven in the city on the river Arys (White, Isfidjab) [Ouyan Sü, ch. 215b, p. 1506, f. 5а, Chavannes, 1903, p. 58]. In the 708 the cavalry of the Eastern Türks moved by this road.
In 706 AD the Türgesh throne in Suyab was inherited by the son of the founder of the Türgesh state Yuzlik (Ch. Uchjile), former a Tutuk military commander of the Talas' Ulu district by the name Sakal (Ch. Soge < sak-kat < saqal). The annals mentioned a "younger brother" contender С11322, 7979 Chjenu (< tsia-nuo, compare the name of a Sogdian of Bukhara origin С12329, 10192 Chinu (< ts'iet-nuo) [Yao Weiyuan, p. 384]. Immediately after enthroning Sakal, who ruled in Suyab, had to transfer to Chjenu control over a part of the state. Judging by the events of the following years, that part was the Talas valley with a center in Talas, then a capital of the Türkic Manichaeism. It was the area of the Az tribe, whose origin ascends to the Uechjies of antiquity. Unhappy with the small size of his allotment, Chjenu addressed to the eastern Türkic Kapagan-Kagan (Mochjo) for military assistance .
Those were Second Türkic Kaganate crest years of the military power, expansion of its borders, and revival of Türkic imperial ideology. All its neighbors became potential objects of conquest and were preparing countermeasures. In search of allies the Enisei Kyrgyzes sent an embassy to China, and the Tang court warmly accepted it. The emperor Jung (705-710) reminded the Kyrgyz envoy about relation of the Tang's dynastic surname Li with the Kyrgyzes, who were reputed to be descendants of their erstwhile Han ruler, a military commander Li Lin. In turn, the Tang build new forts to strengthen their border along the northern bend bank of the Huang He river.
But that danger had faded for a while. Rumors were circulating that "at this time (708) Mochjo with all his people attacked Türgeshes (Ch. Tutsishi)", "Mochjo with all his people attacked Türgesh's Sakal", "the lands south from Gobi desert became barren", but "the head is connected to the tail, and that disrupted plans to plunder in the south". Naito Midori has named this section in his research of the western Türks history "Türgesh campaign of Eastern Türks-Tutszüe in the 2-nd year of the Jing-lun period, 708". Like its predecessor of the Chinese historian Tsen Chünmian, it listed evidence that the inscription С14299, 12272 for the Jing-lun period (707-710) in some cases (including the "History of the Tang dynasty") wrongly replaced by a similar in graphics С14299, 15095 Jing-yun (710-711) [Tsen Chünmian, 1, p. 305, 2, p. 547, Naito, 1987, p. 357-362]. The second year of Jing-yun period would then correspond to 711. The difference in 2-3 years has a considerable implication in the chronology of the subsequent events. To that we shall add that in that publication of the New edition of the "History of the Tang dynasty" (Sin Tang shu), which N.Ya.Bichurin used for the Russian translation [Bichurin, 1, p. 272], the spelling of the Türgesh Kagan name Soge was made with signs for Moge. Coupled with the first aberration, it made the true picture unrecognizable.
In the edition in the "Bo-na" series of (used by Lu Maotsai for German translation) the name Soge is reproduced correctly: "Before it, in the middle years of the Jing-yun period (should be: in the second summer of the period Jing-lun, 708 AD) Mochjo decimated Soge in the west" [Ouan Su, ch. 215а, p. 1503, f. 12b, Liu Mau-tsai, 1958, p. 221]. The Old edition reads "Before that, in the middle years of Jing-yun period (should be: in the second summer of the Jing-lun period, 708) Mochjo in the head of his army defeated and decimated Soge in the west" [Lü Süy, ch. 194а, p. 1442, f. 13b]. But in another place of that edition the date was indicated more precisely: "Coming with twenty-thousand army, Mochjo in the third summer (should be: in the second summer?) of the Jing-lun period (709, should be 708?) punished Soge and took him prisoner" [Lü Süy, ch. 1946, p. 1447, f. 7b, Chavannes, 1903, p. 44, compare Liu Mau-tsai, 1, p. 169, 4, p. 611].
The Syma Guan work "Tszy Chji tun tszyan", distinguished by accuracy of dating, this event is dated by the second year of the Jing-lun period, 708 (Syma Guan, ch. 209). Establishment of real date of Eastern Türkic-Türgesh conflict is very important because researchers, using an erroneous date in the "History of the Tang dynasty" (711) at times are inclined to connect it with the Sogd anti-Arab uprising in 712-714.
Detour on the form of family, inheritance and subjectivity.
The events of that year were reflected in the runiform inscriptions of Mongolia. Two observations should precede the analysis.
The first observation.
In the ancient Türkic society, the vestiges of maternal clan were strong, its important attributes were a collective ownership of the land and means of production, and a matrilocality of marriage. The "brotherly family" form, genetically linked with the maternal clan, was transitory from the matriarchal to the patriarchal family, where the inheritance follows the descending line "father => son". The important and visible principle in the transitory stage is the sequence of inheritance along the collateral line "senior brother - younger brother" as the sons of one mother (in the classification sense) [Torlanbaeva, 2002, p. 5-21]. The next link in the new generation was the nephew of the "younger brother by the female line (compare the custom of marrying the relatives by mother's line) [Potapov, 1957, p. 183]. The nephew is a son of the "senior brother", married to the daughter of mother (also in the classification sense) and himself a "senior brother " in relation to his future successor, the "younger brother". The male and female lines of inheritance are re-united. Between the majority of the Türkic peoples the authority of rulers was transferred from the senior brother to younger, and then and to the sons of the senior brother, and that was not caused by the absence of his own sons [Bromlei, 1981, p. 202-210, Frye, 1974, p. 90, Bichurin, 1, p. 99, note 2].
The existence of such a system is easily verifiable even with a cursory examination of the Chinese records about the Türks - Tutszüe in the N.Ya. Bichurin's work.
The ancient Türkic texts also testify about it: "So famous Kagans were they. After them their younger brothers became Kagans, and then also their (the senior brothers') sons became Kagans " (KTb, 4-5). And in this sequence, according to the traditions of the maternal law, the queen's tribe Ediz, known in the sources under its Manichaean name Ashtak (Ch. Ashide) and Shir (lion), as a family was regarded an owner of the lands and of the people. Its dynastic (Khatun) branch were Shir Türks, a chancellor (aiguchi "adviser") and commander-in-chief Tonyukuk was their representative, his inscription, written during his lifetime, tied them with the possession of the land: turk-sir bodun yeri "land of Türk-Shir people" (Tonyukuk, 11, 60). The revival of the Türkic state in the last quarter of the 7th century could not be imagined without a Kagan, like the creation of a family is impossible without a man, or houses without an owner. In search of a suitable candidate on this post the Ashtaks had rejected two leaders from the "celestial-blue Ashina tribe (kok Türk) and selected only a third applicant. It was Kutlug, who received a throne name Elterish. After his death in 691 was raised a question about the successor, about a change from the former system of "Kagan-katun" co-rule with a brotherly family based on principles and equal participation of Kagan Ashinas and Khatun Ashtaks, to solely Kagan autocracy and inheritance by a descending line "father => son" without Ashtaks' participation. This new ideological creed is expressed in the words of the Chinese inscription on the Kül-Tegin monument: "The duty of the father and the son is in sincerity and nobleness, while the relationship of the senior brother with younger has no due unity " [Tsen Chünmian, 1958, p. 828].
Therefore the younger brother of Elterish, Mochjo (Kapagan), who occupied the throne, was declared to be a "thief of a throne", and after his death in 716 AD the Ashinian Kül-Tegin organized a bloody massacre of all Ashtaks who had state positions during Kapagan reign. Only Tonyukuk was spared and sent into exile, because his daughter Sebeg was a Katun, a wife of just enthroned Bilge-Kagan. It was an attempt to break a century-old tradition. Civil war was dawning in the state, and in the west was threateningly rising the anti-Ashinian star, Sülük-Kagan of Türgeshes. In the end Tonyukuk, who enjoyed wide respect regained his former position, and without his consent or steely "No!" no important affair of state was resolved. In the Bayin-Tsokto enclave he erected a stele describing his accomplishments together with the previous Kagans. The main idea of the stele is the idea of necessity, benefoits, and eternity of the Ashina (Kök Türk) and Ashtak (Türk Sir) co-rule of the "Kagan-Katun".
Kül-Tegin died on 27 February 731. The death of Bilge-Kagan followed on 25 November 734. In the Husho-Tsaidam enclave (Mongolia) were installed monuments in their honor. Both inscriptions are made in the name of Bilge-Kagan, and represent two versions of the same text [Kormushin, 1981, p. 139]. Both are saturated with an idea of Kagan's autocracy. The openly different angles in the positions of Tonyukuk and Bilge-Kagan in the description and evaluation of the same events were reflected like in a mirror. The overdue (by 15 years) denying response, which these texts substantially are, mentioned Tonyukuk and his actions only in passing, like he have not existed at all. In addition to hushing up the figure of Tonyukuk, which is an utter distortion of the course of events and their evaluation, the Bilge-Kagan text deliberately distorts some events, their sequence, and the like. Therefore the demagogic exclamation of Bilge-Kagan "Is there any falsehood in my speech?!" (KTm, 10) should sound as a warning for a researcher.
And the second observation.
It is related to the dating events by the age of the hero in an inscription. S.G.Klyashtorny writes "A change in the age of someone is a conventional dating system for their exploits. Omissions are found when an age of a hero does not change, or a described event is a direct consequence of the preceding event" [Klyashtorny, 1964, p. 89-90]. In addition, the deliberate distortions in dating by the age of the memoriant (grammatically, "memoriant" to "memorial" is like "employee" to "employment" - Translator's Note), the clearly wrong locations where the events took place, the distortion of their sequence, these type of misrepresentations are designed to raise the role of the Kagan fraternity to an absolute, and to reduce the significance of the Khatun fraternity personified by Tonyukuk to zero. This involves the events of the 708 AD.
When the Türkic army was already based in the Altun mountain taiga, Tonyukuk received a news from the agents of about the status in Jeti-su. "From the Türgesh Kagan came a spy. The words of the spy were "He says, we shall set out on a campaign directly against the (Türkic) Kagan. If we would not start a campaign, he (will defeat) us: its Kagan is a hero, and its adviser is wise, in any case he will probably destroy us", - he says. He said "The Türgesh Kagan set out on a campaign, the "ten arrows" people all without exception went to a campaign", he said, "(among them) is Tabgach army". On hearing these words, my Kagan said: "I am going home! My Katun spouse has died, I want to perform funeral rites for her", - he said" [Malov, 1951, p. 67-68, Tonyukuk, 29-31]. The Chinese stated that the Türkic army has headed by Mochjo, and, hence, he was the Kagan named in that fragment. But it also said that Mochjo "returned home" after "punishing" the Türgeshes [Lü Süy, ch. 194b, p. 1447, f. 7b, Chavannes, 1903, p. 44]. Actually, as stated in the (Tonyukuk - Translator's Note) inscription, he returned before the battle and not to prepare for a new, this time Sogdak campaign, but for the funeral of his empress spouse.
The battle took place in the Boluchu district, which R.Giraud equates with Bulun-Tohoi in Dzungaria [Giraud, 1960, p. 179]. About his move Tonyukuk tells: "we fought... we captured their Kagan, we killed their Yabgu and Shad... The heads and people of "ten arrows" all came and submitted. When I was collecting the coming leaders and people, a small number of people escaped. I started leading the "ten arrows" army. We were fighting and driving them. Crossing the Pearl river (Yenchu, Syr-Darya - Translator's Note), Byangligyak mountain - the residence of Tinesi son... We pursued them to Temir-kapyg (Iron gate), we forced them to return. Inel-Kagan of the Arabs and Tochars... Then the whole Sogdian people led by Suk..." [Malov, 1951, p. 63-64, 69, Tonyukuk, 43-44].
A different picture is described in the Kül-Tegin inscription: (Kül-Tegin) with his own hands seized the Türgesh Kagan's orderly, the Tutuk of the Azes (!). We killed their Kagan, we subdued his tribal union. (But) a mass of the Türgesh people all migrated into the depth (of the country, i.e. submitted). We settled that people around Tabar (?). Returning to settle down the Sogdian people, we crossed the river Yenchu, crossed with the army to Temir-kapyg " [Malov, 1951, p. 32, 41, KTb, 38-39].
Both texts were investigated repeatedly. S.G.Klyashtorny brought a number of essential refinements to the S.E.Malov quoted translation, and offered his understanding of the text [Klyashtorny, 1964, p. 139-149]. In his opinion, these inscriptions the subject is two campaigns of Eastern Türks to the west [Klyashtorny, 1964, p. 139-143].
In his review of that book, V.P.Yudin wrote: "...a conclusion about two separate campaigns appear strange from the point of view that the monuments of Bilge-Kagan, Kül-Tegin and Tonyukuk inscription as a whole describe campaigns against Kyrgyzes and Türgeshes as a single action of the Türks, and in fact the campaign across Syr-Darya was a continuation of their general actions against these peoples...For a statement about two campaigns across Syr-Darya the texts of the main runiform monuments do not provide a sufficient base yet" [Yudin, 2001, p. 284].
It is important to note that both versions are describing the same campaign, and not two different campaigns. The differences in the plots are caused by the dynastic maneuvering discussed above. Pushing Tonyukuk away from participation in the Türgesh campaign, Bilge-Kagan in his text comes up with details negating Tonyukuk story as fictional. The method used is not to deny the events, but supplement them. The descriptions of both texts can be grouped in few sets:
1. Türgesh Kagan Sakal (Soge) was really "captured", i.e. taken to captivity, but not killed, which is also confirmed by the Chinese annals. In 709 (the third summer of the Jing-lun period, 7th moon) Soge send an envoy to Chanan with a request for protection. The Emperor issued a decree in which Soge is called "Tszin he van" - "Sovereign of the Gold river", i.e. of the river in which lives a Dragon with the body of gold (the same title, in memory of acceptance Manichaeism by the Uigur Kagan, on 2 August 763 was endowed Ulug Tutuk, one of the supreme rulers of the Uigurs [Ouyan Sü, ch. 217а, p. 1523, f. 6а, Mackerras, 1968, p. 40, compare Se Tszunchjen, 1992, p. 646]. Another of his names became a title of a general of mounted guards "Türgesh Sheu Jung" ("Keeping sincerity"). He was endowed with a name Gui-hua Kagan [Lü Süy, ch. 7, p. 59, f. 8а]. In the Manichaeism school of thought a Dragon is a king of the Darkness world (Türkic Kara), of material world, and partly of the World of Mix of the Good and Evil, with the head of a lion and the body of gold. From that time his name Sakal, which ascends to the Manichaean Sakl' (creator of Adam and Eve), disappears from the sources, until 715 or 716 he is known only under his secular name Shou Jung [Tsen Chünmian, 1958, p. 369-370, 900-901].
2. In the Tonyukuk text (the initial - Translator's Note) engraving of one word had a mistake. In all accessible reproductions the damaged place looks za:budn. Reconstructing this combination, S.E.Malov added between the initial letters "z" and "a" letter "ch": z(ch)a. Transcribing the phrase on oq bägäläri buduny qop (43) kälti? jükünti. Käligmä bäglärin budunyn itip iygyp az(ch)a budun täzmis, he translated: "... Chiefs and people of "ten arrows" (43) all came and submitted. When I gathered the arriving chiefs and people, a small number of people fled". In the part za:budn, the second letter (а) was placed erroneously by a copyist or a carver. Then the combination is transliterated z:budng < (a)z: bod(u)ng "Az people", "people of Azes", and both sentences are translated: "... the Beks and people On Ok ("ten arrows") came in multitude and submitted. While I was organizing and gathering the arriving Beks and people, the people of Azes fled".
3. Türgeshes were Manichaeans and were called Kara-Türgeshes (Ch. hei-sin tutsishi "Türgeshes of black surname"). Therefore the sentence (KTb, 38) qara Türgish bodun qop ichikti should be translated "people of Kara-Türgeshes submitted in multitude". They were headed by qara qan (Ch. hei sin kehan "Kagan of black surname").
4. Judging by written sources, at least since 568 and until 738 the center of the Türkic Manichaeism, and then Kara-Türgeshes was Talas. The words following the quoted sentence ol bodunug tabarda qondurtirmiz "we settled that people at Tabar" are a deliberate distortion. In the following section "Manichaeism" is shown that the name of nonexistent location tbr (Tabar) substituted a similarly looking tls (Talas). In the context of the inscriptions "settled" does not mean "settled (in new place)", but "confirmed the former location". In 708 the Türkic cavalry, "settling" the Kara-Türgeshes, came to Talas, the road to the west from which run through the stations recorded still in the description of Chjan Tsian (Pin. Zhang Qian) travel: Talas - Isfidjab-Küngü-Nuchket (Sogdak) - Chach and then on (see section 2).
Forty years ago, translating Chinese story about Suyab, the author of these lines assumed that Küngü of the Buddhist route corresponds with the "Kengju" in the ancient Türkic texts [Zuev, 1960, p. 21].
In the 26th International congress of orientalists, a similar position was stated by the Hungarian scientist K.Tsegledi, this question was addressed in his research [Czegledi, 1983, p. 45-47]. He in particular noted the existence of the Persian form of a word (kungi), hiding (because of usual transmission of the Persian sound "g" by Arab "dj') in its Arabic form Kundji-dih (Ibn Hawkal Kundji-dih). The 982 composition "Hudud al-Alam" says "Between Isbidjab and (Yaksart, Syr-Darya) river bank are pastures (giy'a hv'ar) of all Isbidjab and some parts of Chach, Parab and Kundji-dih. There are a thousand tents of peaceful Türks... " [Minorsky, 1937, p. 119, 358]. The quotation is a Persian translation of an earlier Arabic expanded annotation for map of the world, and consequently the Persian text preserved the Arabic form of some terms. The records of the Chinese source about the "city" Küngü as the extreme point of Türkic possession on the western border with Sogdak coincide with the Arabo-Persian geography about the Kungi settlement (dih, deh), and the absence of umlaut (ü) in Kungi reflect the absence of it in the Persian. It leads to view the vocalization of the ancient Türkic k(?)ngü and to read itküngü~küngü, and moreover, in the texts of ancient Türkic monuments the vocalization of the first syllable by the vowel in the second syllable is not a rarity at all.
5. In the Tonyukuk text, the purpose of crossing the Pearl river (Yenchu, Syr-Darya) was in pursuit of Kara-Türgeshes (Azes) and to bringing them back: "we pursued them, we forced them to return". Bilge-Kagan states the task differently: "we settled that people at Tabar (should be: Talas). And set out again with a purpose to settle the Sogdak people (Soγdaq bodun). We crossed the Pearl river, advanced with the army to the Temir-kapyg (Iron Gate - Translator's Note)". Here, like in each line of the Bilge-Kagan text, transpires invisible Tonyukuk text, and a desire to discredit it. For Tonyukuk, the crossing of Syr-Darya was an end of the Türgesh campaign at the Temir-kapyg, after which the "Sogdak people, led by Ashuk, came in multitude".
It is clear that in that episode the Sogdak is not a Sogd and Samarkand, but the Temir-kapyg, which cannot be a Buz-gala mountain pass in the Baisun mountains far to the south from Sogd. There were a number of mountain passes called "Iron gate" (Arab. Bab al-abvab, Persian Dai ahanin, Der-i ahenin, Derbend-i ahanin, Ch. Te-men, Türkic Temir-kapug, Demir-kapu, etc.) [Velihanova, 1986, Bartold, 1965, p. 218, 431-432, etc., Minorsky, 1963, p. 119, Hirth, 1899, p. 85-86], this name cannot serve as a unique reference point.
In the quoted lines from the "Hudud al-Alam" the names Parab (Farab) and Kundji-dih (Kungi-dih) are listed together, but separately. These are different districts. It is known that Farab is another name of Otrar [Bartold, 1965, p. 223, 355], which after the publication of the S.G.Klyashtorny book about ancient Türkic monuments [1964, p. 155-161] was compared with "Kängü Tarban". But this comparison requires a correction. The transfer of toponyms with paired combinations is not normal for the ancient Türkic texts, and the combination "Kengyu Tarban" cannot be invented as an exception, because it was created without taking into account the above point about the city Sogdak bordering on with Küngü, with exact localization of the Küngü.
Tarband/Tarban is known to many authors who recorded that at that time it was continuously claimed by the rulers Chach, and from time to time was included in it. In the letter to the Sogdian king Devashtich his envoy Fatufarn wrote from Chach "... And, master, Tudun (civil ruler of Chach) entered into agreement (or "has reconciled") with Tarband (frbnt) and, master, there he has received all lands" [Livshits, 1962, p. 78, 79]. The Chinese annals written after 751 inform that even the city Talas was at that time a "large fortress of the Stone kingdom" (i.e. Chach) [Zuev, 1960, p. 93.].
That situation ended with the Chach royal residence transferred to Tarband: "...And wrote the king of Sogd to the king of Shash (i.e. Chach), and he lived in Tarband...", stated the work of the Arabian writer al-Balazuri [Cited by: Klyashtorny, 1964, p. 157]. S.G.Klyashtorny cited a large and convincing material to identify Tarban with Otrar. It is possible now to state with sufficient confidence that the author of the ancient Türkic inscriptions viewed Küngü and Tarban as foreposts on the western borders of the Türkic possessions.
But that is not the end of the campaign description. "We pursued (Azes) to Temir-kopyg, we forced them to return", tells Tonyukuk, finishing his story about Türgesh campaign. When the author of the inscription uses pronoun "we", it should be understood that he personally participated in actions. In Kül-Tegin text this campaign beyond Syr-Darya was "to settle the Sogdak (!) people (Soγdaq bodun)". It appeared to be unsuccessful, and then the leaders "have repented" and "sent Kül-Tegin with few men" for further adventures, described separately and seemingly without connection with these events. "Az people became enemy. We fought at Kara-köl. He (Kül-Tegin) mounted white hero horse Shalchy, attacked, seized Az' Elteber, Az people perished. When the tribes of my uncle Kagan rebelled, and people started enmity and envy, we fought Izgil people. Kül-Tegin mounted white hero horse Shalchy, attacked. The horse fell there. Izgil people perished" [KTb, 43-44, Malov, 1951, p. 33, 42]. The description of the pursuit of Azes and their subsequent return supplements the laconic words of Tonyukuk. Azes fled to the Kara-köl. The Kara-köl lake and the Kara-köl gorge are on the left bank of Syr-Darya, downstream of Otrar, two kilometers from the river. There are ruins of a city with Türkic name Sütkent [Bartold, 1965, p. 383, Agadjanov, 1969, p. 74]. It was the city Sogdak of the Türkic inscriptions, also similar to the terms Sogdak~Sütkent ("Milk City").
The word Izgil is usually transcribed by letters Ezgel < ezg(e)l ~ Ezgel. Its Chinese notation was С5042, 14720, 1959 Asitszi and С5042, 14720, 1972 Asitsze (< a-siet-kiet) [Harmatta, 1962, p. 140-141]. In the 563 this name bore the Türkic envoy to the Byzantine emperor, who demanded an end of relations with the Avars, the enemies of the Türks [Naito, 1987, p. 369-371].
The Chinese annals note that Ezgels were the first and fourth tribes in the right wing of the Western Türkic Kaganate [Chavannes, 1903, p. 34, 60]. One of the documents tells that in the 652, an Ezgelian (Asitsze) Nezuk-Erkin was appointed a Tutuk of the military district Thousand Springs (Tszyantsüan, Merke), and an Ezgelian Kül-Erkin was appointed a Tutuk of the military district Külyan (Tszüylan, modern (Russified) Kolan) [Naito, 1987, p. 36]. In the middle of the 7th century in these districts lived Ezgels.
A separate campaign to Sogd and Tocharistan, beyond the limits of the Kaganate, did not happen. Right after the capture, the Türks moved again, caught up withAzes in the Sütkent (Sogdak) area on the left bank of Syr-Darya, and turned back. The monuments do not describe another campaign in the west. As to the "participation" of the Türks in the anti-Arab movement in the Sogd in the 712-714, the real situation was described in the Fatufarn letter cited above, which was sent to Chach asking for the help in the struggle against the Arabs: "And master, I cannot advance further, master, because the rumor goes that Kagan can't be found anywhere" [Livshits, 1962, p. 79].
* * *
The section has included a series of sketches about early Türkic tribes and state type confederations, whose ideological views coincide in many respects and have a common foundation, which ascends to the last centuries BCE. Such foundation was the pantheon of the ancient confederations of Uechji (Pin. Yuezhi) (Ati/Asi) and Kangars (Kanga/Kungi/Kengü/Kangju and alike) that left a trace in the ideological complexes of Ashtak Türks, Oguzes, Kypchaks, Az-kishes, Kimeks, Kangly, etc. Certain features of it still are in the folklore of the modern Türkic peoples. The tradition of the ideological continuity is permeating the history of these peoples from extreme antiquity until the new time.
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